OF
REFORMATION
Touching
CHURCH-DISCIPLINE
IN
ENGLAND:

Sir,

AMidst those deepe and retired thoughts, which with every man Christianly instructed, ought to be most frequent, of God, and of his miraculous ways, and works, amongst men, and of our Religion and Worship, to be perform'd to him; after the story of our Saviour Christ, suffering to the lowest bent of weaknesse, in the Flesh, and presently triumphing to the highest pitch of glory, in the Spirit, which drew up his body also, till we in both be united to him in the Revelation of his Kingdome: I do not know of any thing more worthy to take up the whole passion of pitty, on the one side, and joy on the other: then to consider first, the foule and sudden corruption, and then after many a tedious age, the long-deferr'd, but much more wonderfull and happy reformation of the Church in these latter dayes. Sad it is to thinke how that Doctrine of the Gospel, planted by teachers Divinely inspir'd, and by them winnow'd, and sifted, from the chaffe of overdated Ceremonies, and refin'd to such a Spirituall height, and temper of purity, and knowledge of the Creator, that the body, with all the circumstances of time and place, were purifi'd by the affections of the regenerat Soule, and nothing left impure, but sinne; Faith needing not the weak, and fallible office of the Senses, to be either the Ushers, or Interpreters of heavenly Mysteries, save where our Lord himselfe in his Sacraments ordain'd; that such a Doctrine should through the grossenesse, and blindnesse, of her Professors, and the fraud of deceivable traditions, drag so downwards, as to backslide one way into the Jewish beggery of old cast rudiments, and stumble forward another way into the new-vomited Paganisme of sensual Idolatry, attributing purity, or impurity, to things indifferent, that they might bring the inward acts of the Spirit to the outward, and customary ey-Service of the body, as if they could make God earthly, and fleshly, because they could not make themselves heavenly, and Spirituall: they began to draw downe all the Divine intercours, betwixt God, and the Soule, yea, the very shape of God himselfe, into an exterior, and bodily forme, urgently pretending a necessity, and obligement of joyning the body in a formall reverence, and Worship circumscrib'd, they hallow'd it, they fum'd it, they sprincl'd it, they be deck't it, not in robes of pure innocency, but of pure Linnen, with other deformed, and fantastick dresses in Palls, and Miters, gold, and guegaw's fetcht from Arons old wardrope, or the Flamins vestry: then was the Priest set to con his motions, and his Postures his Liturgies, and his Lurries, till the Soule by this meanes of over bodying her selfe, given up justly to fleshly delights, bated her wing apace downeward: and finding the ease she had from her visible, and sensuous collegue the body in performance of Religious duties, her pineons now broken, and flagging, shifted off from her selfe, the labour of high soaring any more, forgot her heavenly flight, and left the dull, and droyling carcas to plod on in the old rode, and drudging Trade of outward conformity. And here out of question from her pervers conceiting of God, and holy things, she had faln to beleeve no God at all, had not custome and the worme of conscience nipt her incredulity hence to all the duty's of evangelicall grace instead of the adoptive and cheerefull boldnesse which our new alliance with God requires, came Servile, and thrallike feare: for in very deed, the superstitious man by his good will is an Atheist; but being scarr'd from thence by the pangs, and gripes of a boyling conscience, all in a pudder shuffles up to himselfe such a God, and such a worship as is most agreeable to remedy his feare, which feare of his, as also is his hope, fixt onely upon the Flesh, renders likewise the whole faculty of his apprehension, carnall, and all the inward acts of worship issuing from the native strength of the SOULE, run out lavishly to the upper skin, and there harden into a crust of Formallitie. Hence men came to scan the Scriptures, by the Letter, and in the Covenant of our Redemption, magnifi'd the external signs more then the quickning power of the Spirit, and yet looking on them through their own guiltinesse with a Servile feare, and finding as little comfort, or rather terror from them againe, they knew not how to hide their Slavish approach to Gods behests by them not understood, nor worthily receav'd, but by cloaking their Servile crouching to all Religious Presentments, somtimes lawfull, sometimes Idolatrous, under the name of humility, and terming the Py-bald frippery, and ostentation of Ceremony's, decency.

Then was Baptisme chang'd into a kind of exorcism, and water Sanctifi'd by Christs institute, thought little enough to wash off the originall Spot without the Scratch, or crosse impression of a Priests fore-finger: and that feast of free grace, and adoption to which Christ invited his Disciples to sit as Brethren, and coheires of the happy Covenant, which at that Table was to be Seal'd to them, even that Feast of love and heavenly-admitted fellowship, the Seale of filiall grace became the Subject of horror, and glouting adoration, pageanted about, like a dreadfull Idol: which sometimes deceve's wel-meaning men, and beguiles them of their reward, by their voluntary humility, which indeed, is fleshly pride, preferring a foolish Sacrifice, and the rudiments of the world, as Saint Paul to the Colossians explaineth, before a savory obedience to Christs example. Such was Peters unseasonable Humilitie, as then his Knowledge was small, when Christ came to wash his feet; who at an impertinent time would needs straine courtesy with his Master, and falling troublesomly upon the lowly, alwise, and unexaminable intention of Christ in what he went with resolution to doe, so provok't by his interruption the meeke Lord, that he threat'nd to exclude him from his heavenly Portion, unlesse he could be content to be lesse arrogant, and stiff neckt in his humility.

But to dwell no longer in characterizing the Depravities of the Church, and how they sprung, and how they tooke increase; when I recall to mind at last, after so many darke Ages, wherein the huge overshadowing traine of Error had almost swept all the Starres out of the Firmament of the Church; how the bright and blissfull Reformation (by Divine Power) strook through the black and settled Night of Ignorance and Antichristian Tyranny, me thinks a soveraigne and reviving joy must needs rush into the bosome of him that reads or heares; and the sweet Odour of the returning Gospell imbath his Soule with the fragrancy of Heaven. Then was the Sacred BIBLE sought out of the dusty corners where prophane Falshood and Neglect had throwne it, the Schooles opened, Divine and Humane Learning rak't out of the embers of forgotten Tongues, the Princes and Cities trooping apace to the new erected Banner of Salvation; the Martyrs, with the unresistable might of Weaknesse, shaking the Powers of Darknesse, and scorning the fiery rage of the old red Dragon.

The pleasing pursuit of these thoughts hath oft-times led mee into a serious question and debatement with my selfe, how it should come to passe that England (having had this grace and honour from GOD to bee the first that should set up a Standard for the recovery of lost Truth, and blow the first Evangelick Trumpet to the Nations, holding up, as from a Hill, the new Lampe of saving light to all Christendome should now be last, and most unsettl'd in the enjoyment of that Peace, whereof we taught the way to others; although indeed our Wicklefs preaching, at which all the succeding Reformers more effectually lighted their Tapers, was to his Countrey-men but a short blaze soone dampt and stifl'd by the Pope, and Prelates for sixe or seven Kings Reignes; yet me thinkes the Precedencie which GOD gave this Iland, to be the first Restorer of buried Truth, should have beene followed with more happy successe, and sooner attain'd Perfection; in which, as yet we are amongst the last: for, albeit in purity of Doctrine we agree with our Brethren; yet in discipline, which is the execution and applying of Doctrine home, and laying the salve to the very Orifice of the wound; yea tenting and searching to the Core, without which Pulpit Preaching is but shooting at Rovers; in this we are no better then a Schisme, from all the Reformation, and a sore scandall to them; for while wee hold Ordination to belong onely to Bishops, as our Prelates doe, wee must of necessity hold also their Ministers to be no Ministers, and shortly after their Church to be no Church. Not to speake of those sencelesse Ceremonies which wee onely retaine, as a dangerous earnest of sliding back to Rome, and serving meerely, either as a mist to cover nakednesse where true grace is extinguisht; or as an Enterlude to set out the pompe of Prelatisme. Certainly it would be worth the while therefore and the paines, to enquire more particularly, what, and how many the cheife causes have been, that have still hindred our Uniforme Consent to the rest of the Churches abroad, (at this time especially) when the Kingdome is in a good propensity thereto; and all Men in Prayers, in Hopes, or in Disputes, either for or against it.

Yet will I not insist on that which may seeme to be the cause on GODS part; as his judgement on our sinnes, the tryall of his owne, the unmasking of Hypocrites; nor shall I stay to speake of the continuall eagernes and extreame diligence of the Pope and Papists to stop the furtherance of Reformation, which know they have no hold or hope of England their lost Darling, longer then the government of Bishops bolsters them out; and therefore plot all they can to uphold them, as may bee seene by the Booke of Santa Clara the Popish Preist in defence of Bishops, which came out piping hot much about the time that one of our own Prelats out of an ominous feare had writ on the same Argument; as if they had joyn'd their forces like good Confederates to support one falling Babel.

But I shall cheifly indeavour to declare those Causes that hinder the forwarding of true Discipline, which are among our selves. Orderly proceeding will divide our inquirie into our Fore-Fathers dayes, and into our Times. HENRY the 8. was the first that rent this Kingdome from the Popes Subjection totally; but his Quarrell being more about Supremacie, then other faultinesse in Religion that he regarded, it is no marvell if hee stuck where he did. The next default was in the Bishops, who though they had renounc't the Pope, they still hugg'd the Popedome, and shar'd the Authority among themselves, by their sixe bloody Articles persecuting the Protestants no slacker then the Pope would have done. And doutles, when ever the Pope shall fall, if his ruine bee not like the sudden down-come of a Towre, the Bishops, when they see him tottering, will leave him, and fall to scrambling, catch who may, hee a Patriarch-dome, and another what comes next hand; as the French Cardinall of late, and the See of Canterbury hath plainly affected.

In Edward the 6. Dayes, why a compleate Reform was not effected, to any considerate man may appeare. First, he no sooner entred into his Kingdome, but into a Warre with Scotland; from whence the Protector returning with Victory had but newly put his hand to repeale the 6. Articles, and throw the Images out of Churches, but Rebellions on all sides stir'd up by obdurate Papists, and other Tumults with a plaine Warre in Norfolke, holding tack against two of the Kings Generals, made them of force content themselves with what they had already done. Hereupon follow'd ambitious Contentions among the Peeres, which ceas'd not but with the Protectors death, who was the most zealous in this point: and then Northumberland was hee that could doe most in England, who little minding Religion, (as his Apostacie well shew'd at his death, bent all his wit how to bring the Right of the Crowne into his owne Line. And for the Bishops, they were so far from any such worthy Attempts, as that they suffer'd themselvs to be the common stales to countenance with their prostituted Gravities every Politick Fetch that was then on foot, as oft as the Potent Statists pleas'd to employ them. Never do we read that they made use of their Authority and high Place of accesse, to bring the jarring Nobility to Christian peace, or to withstand their disloyall Projects; but if a Toleration for Masse were to be beg'd of the King for his Sister MARY, lest CHARLES the Fifth should be angry; who but the grave Prelates Cranmer and Ridley must be sent to extort it from the young King? But out of the mouth of that godly and Royall Childe, Christ himselfe return'd such an awfull repulse to those halting and time-serving Prelates, that after much bold importunity, they went their way not without shame and teares.

Nor was this the first time that they discover'd to bee followers of this World; for when the Protectors Brother, Lord Sudley, the Admirall through private malice and mal-engine was to lose his life, no man could bee found fitter then Bishop Latimer (like another Doctor Shaw) to divulge in his Sermon the forged Accusations laid to his charge, thereby to defame him with the People, who else was thought would take ill the innocent mans death; unlesse the Reverend Bishop could warrant them there was no foule play. What could be more impious then to debarre the Children of the King from their right to the Crowne? To comply with the ambitious Usurpation of a Traytor; and to make void the last Will of HENRY 8, to which the Breakers had sworne observance? Yet Bishop Cranmer, one of the Executors, and the other Bishops none refusing, (lest they should resist the Duke of Northumberland) could find in their Consciences to set their hands to the disinabling and defeating not onely of Princesse MARY the Papist, but of ELIZABETH the Protestant, and (by the Bishops judgement) the Lawfull Issue of King HENRY.

Who then can thinke, (though these Prelates had sought a further Reformation) that the least wry face of a Politician would not have hush't them. But it will be said, These men were Martyrs: What then? Though every true Christian will be a Martyr when he is called to it; not presently does it follow that every one suffering for Religion, is without exception. Saint Paul writes, that A man may give his Body to be burnt, (meaning for Religion) and yet not have Charitie: He is not therfore above all possibility of erring, because hee burnes for some Points of Truth.

Witnes the Arians and Pelagians which were slaine by the Heathen for Christs sake; yet we take both these for no true friends of Christ. If the Martyrs (saith Cyprian in his 30. Epistle) decree one thing, and the Gospel another, either the Martyrs must lose their Crowne by not observing the Gospel for which they are Martyrs; or the Majestie of the Gospel must be broken and lie slat, if it can be overtopt by the novelty of any other Decree.

And heerewithall I invoke the Immortall DEITIE Reveler and Judge of Secrets, That wherever I have in this BOOKE plainely and roundly (though worthily and truly) laid open the faults and blemishes of Fathers, Martyrs, or Christian Emperors; or have otherwise inveighed against Error and Superstition with vehement Expressions: I have done it, neither out of malice, nor list to speak evill, nor any vaine-glory; but of meere necessity, to vindicate the spotlesse Truth from an ignominious bondage, whose native worth is now become of such a low esteeme, that shee is like to finde small credit with us for what she can say, unlesse shee can bring a Ticket from Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley; or prove her selfe a retainer to Constantine, and weare his badge. More tolerable it were for the Church of GOD that all these Names were utterly abolisht, like the Brazen Serpent; then that mens fond opinion should thus idolize them, and the Heavenly Truth be thus captivated.

Now to proceed, whatsoever the Bishops were, it seemes they themselves were unsatisfi'd in matters of Religion, as they then stood, by that Commission granted to 8. Bishops, 8. other Divines, 8. Civilians, 8. common Lawyers, to frame Ecclesiasticall Constitutions; which no wonder if it came to nothing; for (as Hayward relates) both their Professions and their Ends were different. Lastly, we all know by Examples, that exact Reformation is not perfited at the first push, and those unweildy Times of Edward 6. may hold some Plea by this excuse: Now let any reasonable man judge whether that Kings Reigne be a fit time from whence to patterne out the Constitution of a Church Discipline, much lesse that it should yeeld occasion from whence to foster and establish the continuance of Imperfection with the commendatory subscriptions of Confessors and Martyrs, to intitle and ingage a glorious Name to a grosse corruption. It was not Episcopacie that wrought in them the Heavenly Fortitude of Martyrdome; as little is it that Martyrdome can make good Episcopacie: But it was Episcopacie that led the good and holy Men through the temptation of the Enemie, and the snare of this present world to many blame-worthy and opprobrious Actions. And it is still Episcopacie that before all our eyes worsens and sluggs the most learned, and seeming religious of our Ministers, who no sooner advanc't to it, but like a seething pot set to coole, sensibly exhale and reake out the greatest part of that zeale, and those Gifts which were formerly in them, settling in a skinny congealment of ease and sloth at the top: and if they keep their Learning by some potent sway of Nature, 'tis a rare chance; but their devotion most commonly comes to that queazy temper of luke-warmnesse, that gives a Vomit to GOD himselfe.

But what doe wee suffer mis-shapen and enormous Prelatisme, as we do, thus to blanch and varnish her deformities with the faire colours, as before of Martyrdome, so now of Episcopacie? They are not Bishops, GOD and all good Men know they are not, that have fill'd this Land with late confusion and violence; but a Tyrannicall crew and Corporation of Impostors, that have blinded and abus'd the World so long under that Name. He that inabl'd with gifts from God, and the lawfull and Primitive choyce of the Church assembl'd in convenient number, faithfully from that time forward feeds his Parochiall Flock, ha's his coequall and compresbyteriall Power to ordaine Ministers and Deacons by publique Prayer, and Vote of Christs Congregation in like sort as he himselfe was ordain'd, and is a true Apostolick Bishop. But when hee steps up into the Chayre of Pontificall Pride, and changes a moderate and exemplary House, for a mis-govern'd and haughty Palace, spirituall Dignity for carnall Precedence, and secular high Office and employment for the high Negotiations of his Heavenly Embassage, Then he degrades, then hee un-Bishops himselfe; hee that makes him Bishop makes him no Bishop. No marvell therfore if S. Martin complain'd to Sulpitius Severus that since hee was Bishop he felt inwardly a sensible decay of those vertues and graces that God had given him in great measure before; Although the same Sulpitius write that he was nothing tainted, or alter'd in his habit, dyet, or personall demeanour from that simple plainnesse to which he first betook himselfe. It was not therfore that thing alone which God tooke displeasure at in the Bishops of those times, but rather an universall rottennes, and gangrene in the whole Function.

From hence then I passe to Qu. ELIZABETH, the next Protestant Prince, in whose Dayes why Religion attain'd not a perfect reducement in the beginning of her Reigne, I suppose the hindring Causes will be found to bee common with some formerly alledg'd for King EDWARD 6. the greennesse of the Times, the weake Estate which Qu. MARY left the Realme in, the great Places and Offices executed by Papists, the Judges, the Lawyers, the Justices of Peace for the most part Popish, the Bishops firme to Rome, from whence was to be expected the furious flashing of Excommunications; and absolving the People from their Obedience. Next, her private Councellours, whoever they were perswaded her (as Camden writes) that the altering of Ecclesiasticall Policie would move sedition. Then was the Liturgie given to a number of moderate Divines, and Sir Tho. Smith a Statesman to bee purg'd, and Physick't: And surely they were moderate Divines indeed, neither hot nor cold; and Grindall the best of them, afterwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury lost favour in the Court, and I think was discharg'd the goverment of his See for favouring the Ministers, though Camden seeme willing to finde another Cause: therefore about her second Yeare in a Parliament of Men and Minds some scarce well grounded, others belching the soure Crudities of yesterdayes Poperie, those Constitutions of EDW. 6. which as you heard before, no way satisfi'd the men that made them, are now establish't for best, and not to be mended. From that time follow'd nothing but Imprisonments, troubles, disgraces on all those that found fault with the Decrees of the Convocation, and strait were they branded with the Name of Puritans. As for the Queene her selfe, shee was made beleeve that by putting downe Bishops her Prerogative would be infring'd, of which shall be spoken anon, as the course of Method brings it in. And why the Prelats labour'd it should be so thought, ask not them, but ask their Bellies. They had found a good Tabernacle, they sate under a spreading Vine, their Lot was fallen in a faire Inheritance. And these perhaps were the cheife impeachments of a more sound rectifying the Church in the Queens Time.

From this Period I count to begin our Times, which, because they concerne us more neerely, and our owne eyes and eares can give us the ampler scope to judge, will require a more exact search; and to effect this the speedier, I shall distinguish such as I esteeme to be the hinderers of Reformation into 3. sorts, Antiquitarians (for so I had rather call them then Antiquaries, whose labours are usefull and laudable) 2. Libertines, 3. Polititians.

To the votarists of Antiquity I shall think to have fully answer'd, if I shall be able to prove out of Antiquity, First, that if they will conform our Bishops to the purer times, they must mew their feathers, and their pounces, and make but curttail'd Bishops of them; and we know they hate to be dockt and clipt, as much as to be put down outright. Secondly, that those purer times were corrupt, and their Books corrupted soon after. Thirdly, that the best of those that then wrote, disclaim that any man should repose on them, and send all to the Scriptures.

First therfore, if those that over-affect Antiquity, will follow the square therof, their Bishops must be elected by the hands of the whole Church. The ancientest of the extant Fathers Ignatius, writing to the Philadelphians saith, that it belongs to them as to the Church of God to choose a Bishop. Let no man cavill, but take the Church of God as meaning the whole consistence of Orders and Members, as S. Pauls Epistles expresse, and this likewise being read over: Besides this, it is there to be mark'd, that those Philadelphians are exhorted to choose a Bishop of Antioch. Whence it seems by the way that there was not that wary limitation of Dioces in those times, which is confirm'd even by a fast friend of Episcopacie, Camden, who cannot but love Bishops, as well as old coins, and his much lamented Monasteries for antiquities sake. He writes in his description of Scotland, that over all the world Bishops had no certaine Dioces, till Pope Dionysius about the yeare 268. did cut them out, and that the Bishops of Scotland executed their function in what place soever they came indifferently, and without distinction till King Malcolm the third, about the yeare 1070. whence may be guest what their function was: was it to goe about circl'd with a band of rooking Officials, with cloke bagges full of Citations, and Processes to be serv'd by a corporalty of griffonlike Promooters, and Apparitors? Did he goe about to pitch down his Court, as an Empirick does his banck, to inveigle in all the mony of the Countrey? no certainly it would not have bin permitted him to exercise any such function indifferently wherever he came. And verily some such matter it was as want of a fat Dioces that kept our Britain Bishops so poore in the Primitive times, that being call'd to the Councell of Ariminum in the yeare 359. they had not wherewithall to defray the charges of their journey, but were fed, and lodg'd upon the Emperors cost, which must needs be no accidentall, but usuall poverty in them, for the author Sulp. Severus in his 2 Booke of Church History praises them, and avouches it praise-worthy in a Bishop, to be so poore as to have nothing of his own. But to return to the ancient election of Bishops that it could not lawfully be without the consent of the people is so expresse in Cyprian, and so often to be met with, that to cite each place at large, were to translate a good part of the volume, therfore touching the chief passages, I referre the rest to whom so list peruse the Author himselfe: in the 24. Epist. If a Bishop saith he, be once made and allow'd by the testimony and judgement of his collegues, and the people, no other can be made. In the 55. When a Bishop is made by the suffrage of all the people in peace. In the 68. marke but what he saies, The people chiefly hath power, either of choosing worthy ones, or refusing unworthy: this he there proves by authorities out of the old and new Testament, and with solid reasons: these were his antiquities.

This voyce of the people to be had ever in Episcopal elections was so well known, before Cyprians time, even to those that were without the Church, that the Emperor Alexander Severus desir'd to have his governours of Provinces chosen in the same manner, as Lampridius can tell: So little thought it he offensive to Monarchy; and if single authorities perswade not, hearken what the whole generall Councel of Nicæa the first and famousest of all the rest determines, writing a Synodal Epist. to the African Churches, to warn them of Arrianisme, it exhorts them to choose orthodox Bishops in the place of the dead so they be worthy, and the people choose them, whereby they seem to make the peoples assent so necessary; that merit without their free choyce were not sufficient to make a Bishop. What would ye say now grave Fathers if you should wake and see unworthy Bishops, or rather no Bishops, but Egyptian task-masters of Ceremonies thrust purposely upon the groaning Church to the affliction, and vexation of Gods people? It was not of old that a Conspiracie of Bishops could frustrate and fob off the right of the people, for we may read how S. Martin soon after Constantine was made Bishop of Turon in France by the peoples consent from all places thereabout maugre all the opposition that the Bishops could make. Thus went matters of the Church almost 400. yeare after Christ, and very probably farre lower, for Nicephorus Phocas the Greek Emperour, whose reign fell neare the 1000. year of our Lord, having done many things tyrannically, is said by Cedrenus to have done nothing more grievous and displeasing to the people, then to have in-acted that no Bishop should be chosen without his will; so long did this right remain to the people in the midst of other palpable corruptions: Now for Episcopall dignity, what it was, see out of Ignatius, who in his Epistle to those of Trallis confesseth that the Presbyters, are his fellow Counsellers, and fellow benchers. And Cyprian in many places, as in the 6. 41. 52. Epist. speaking of Presbyters, calls them his Compresbyters, as if he deem'd himself no other, whenas by the same place it appeares he was a Bishop, he calls them Brethren; but that will be thought his meeknesse: yea, but the Presbyters and Deacons writing to him think they doe him honour enough when they phrase him no higher then Brother Cyprian, and deare Cyprian in the 26. Epist. For their Authority 'tis evident not to have bin single, but depending on the counsel of the Presbyters, as from Ignatius was ere while alledg'd; and the same Cyprian acknowledges as much in the 6 Epist. and addes therto that he had determin'd from his entrance into the Office of Bishop to doe nothing without the consent of his people, and so in the 31. Epist, for it were tedious to course through all his writings which are so full of the like assertions, insomuch that ev'n in the womb and center of Apostacy Rome it selfe, there yet remains a glimps of this truth, for the Pope himselfe, as a learned English writer notes well, performeth all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as in Consistory amongst his Cardinals, which were originally but the Parish Priests of Rome. Thus then did the Spirit of unity and meeknesse inspire, and animate every joynt, and sinew of the mysticall body, but now the gravest, and worthiest Minister, a true Bishop of his fold shall be revil'd, and ruffl'd by an insulting, and only-Canon-wise Prelate, as if he were some slight paltry companion: and the people of God redeem'd, and wash'd with Christs blood, and dignify'd with so many glorious titles of Saints, and sons in the Gospel, are now no better reputed then impure ethnicks, and lay dogs; stones & Pillars, and Crucifixes have now the honour, and the almes due to Christs living members; the Table of Communion now become a Table of separation stands like an exalted platforme upon the brow of the quire, fortifi'd with bulwark, and barricado, to keep off the profane touch of the Laicks, whilst the obscene, and surfeted Priest scruples not to paw, and mammock the sacramentall bread, as familiarly as his Tavern Bisket. And thus the people vilifi'd and rejected by them, give over the earnest study of vertue, and godlinesse as a thing of greater purity then they need, and the search of divine knowledge as a mystery too high for their capacity's, and only for Churchmen to meddle with, which is that the Prelates desire, that when they have brought us back to Popish blindnesse we might commit to their dispose the whole managing of our salvation, for they think it was never faire world with them since that time: But he that will mould a modern Bishop into a primitive, must yeeld him to be elected by the popular voyce, undiocest, unrevenu'd, unlorded, and leave him nothing but brotherly equality, matchles temperance, frequent fasting, incessant prayer, and preaching, continual watchings, and labours in his Ministery, which what a rich bootie it would be, what a plump endowment to the many-benefice-gaping mouth of a Prelate, what a relish it would give to his canary-sucking, and swan-eating palat, let old Bishop Mountain judge for me.

How little therfore those ancient times make for moderne Bishops hath bin plainly discours'd, but let them make for them as much as they will, yet why we ought not stand to their arbitrement shall now appeare by a threefold corruption which will be found upon them. 1. The best times were spreadingly infected. 2. The best men of those times fouly tainted. 3. The best writings of those men dangerously adulterated. These Positions are to be made good out of those times witnessing of themselves. First, Ignatius in his early dayes testifies to the Churches of Asia, that even then Heresies were sprung up, and rife every where, as Eusebius relates in his 3. Book, 35. chap. after the Greek number. And Hegesippus a grave Church writer of prime Antiquity affirms in the same Book of Euseb. c. 32. that while the Apostles were on earth the depravers of doctrine did but lurk, but they once gon, with open forehead they durst preach down the truth with falsities: yea those that are reckon'd for orthodox began to make sad, and shamefull rents in the Church about the trivial celebration of Feasts, not agreeing when to keep Easter day, which controversie grew so hot, that Victor the Bishop of Rome Excommunicated all the Churches of Asia for no other cause, and was worthily therof reprov'd by Irenæus. For can any sound Theologer think that these great Fathers understood what was Gospel, or what was Excommunication? doubtlesse that which led the good men into fraud and error was, that they attended more to the neer tradition of what they heard the Apostles somtimes did, then to what they had left written, not considering that many things which they did, were by the Apostles themselves profest to be done only for the present, and of meer indulgence to some scrupulous converts of the Circumcision, but what they writ was of firm decree to all future ages. Look but a century lower in the 1. cap. of Eusebius 8. Book. What a universal tetter of impurity had invenom'd every part, order, and degree of the Church, to omit the lay herd which will be little regarded, those that seem'd to be our Pastors, saith he, overturning the Law of Gods worship, burnt in contentions one towards another, and incresing in hatred and bitternes, outragiously sought to uphold Lordship, and command as it were a tyranny. Stay but a little, magnanimous Bishops, suppresse your aspiring thoughts, for there is nothing wanting but Constantine to reigne, and then Tyranny her selfe shall give up all her cittadels into your hands, and count ye thence forward her trustiest agents. Such were these that must be call'd the ancientest, and most virgin times between Christ and Constantine. Nor was this general contagion in their actions, and not in their writings: who is ignorant of the foul errors, the ridiculous wresting of Scripture, the Heresies, the vanities thick sown through the volums of Justin Martyr, Clemens, Origen, Tertullian and others of eldest time? Who would think him fit to write an Apology for Christian Faith to the Roman Senat, that would tell them how of the Angels, which he must needs mean those in Gen. call'd the Sons of God, mixing with Women were begotten the Devills, as good Justin Martyr in his Apology told them. But more indignation would it move to any Christian that shall read Tertullian terming S. Paul a novice and raw in grace, for reproving S. Peter at Antioch, worthy to be blam'd if we beleeve the Epistle to the Galatians: perhaps from this hint the blasphemous Jesuits presum'd in Italy to give their judgement of S. Paul, as of a hot headed person, as Sandys in his Relations tells us.

Now besides all this, who knows not how many surreptitious works are ingraff'd into the legitimate writings of the Fathers, and of those Books that passe for authentick who knows what hath bin tamper'd withall, what hath bin raz'd out, what hath bin inserted, besides the late legerdemain of the Papists, that which Sulpitius writes concerning Origens Books gives us cause vehemently to suspect, there hath bin packing of old. In the third chap. of his 1. Dialogue, we may read what wrangling the Bishops and Monks had about the reading, or not reading of Origen, some objecting that he was corrupted by Hereticks, others answering that all such Books had bin so dealt with. How then shall I trust these times to lead me, that testifie so ill of leading themselvs, certainly of their defects their own witnesse may be best receiv'd, but of the rectitude, and sincerity of their life and doctrine to judge rightly, wee must judge by that which was to be their rule.

But it wil be objected that this was an unsetl'd state of the Church wanting the temporall Magistrate to suppresse the licence of false Brethren, and the extravagancy of still-new opinions, a time not imitable for Church government, where the temporall and spirituall power did not close in one beleife, as under Constantine. I am not of opinion to thinke the Church a Vine in this respect, because, as they take it, she cannot subsist without clasping about the Elme of worldly strength, and felicity, as if the heavenly City could not support it selfe without the props and buttresses of secular Authoritie. They extoll Constantine because he extol'd them; as our homebred Monks in their Histories blanch the Kings their Benefactors, and brand those that went about to be their Correctors. If he had curb'd the growing Pride, Avarice, and Luxury of the Clergie, then every Page of his Story should have swel'd with his Faults, and that which Zozimus the Heathen writes of him should have come in to boot: wee should have heard then in every Declamation how hee slew his Nephew Commodus a worthy man, his noble and eldest Son Crispus, his Wife Fausta, besides numbers of his Friends; then his cruell exactions, his unsoundnesse in Religion, favoring the Arrians that had been condemn'd in a Counsell, of which himselfe sate as it were President, his hard measure and banishment of the faithfull and invincible Athanasius, his living unbaptiz'd almost to his dying day; these blurs are too apparent in his Life. But since hee must needs bee the Load-starre of Reformation as some men clatter, it will be good to see further his knowledge of Religion what it was, and by that we may likewise guesse at the sincerity of his Times in those that were not Hereticall, it being likely that hee would converse with the famousest Prelates (for so he had made them) that were to be found for learning.

Of his Arianisme we heard, and for the rest, a pretty scantling of his Knowledge may be taken by his deferring to be baptiz'd so many yeares, a thing not usuall, and repugnant to the Tenor of Scripture, Philip knowing nothing that should hinder the Eunuch to be baptiz'd after profession of his beleife. Next, by the excessive devotion, that I may not say Superstition both of him and his Mother Helena, to find out the Crosse on which Christ suffer'd, that had long lien under the rubbish of old ruines, (a thing which the Disciples and Kindred of our Saviour might with more ease have done, if they had thought it a pious duty:) some of the nailes whereof hee put into his Helmet, to beare off blowes in battell, others he fasten'd among the studds of his bridle, to fulfill (as he thought, or his Court Bishops perswaded him) the Prophesie of Zachariah; And it shall be that that which is in the bridle shall be holy to the Lord. Part of the Crosse, in which he thought such Vertue to reside, as would prove a kind of Palladium to save the Citie where ever it remain'd, he caus'd to be laid up in a Pillar of Porphyrie by his Statue. How hee or his Teachers could trifle thus with halfe an eye open upon Saint Pauls Principles, I know not how to imagine.

How should then the dim Taper of this Emperours age that had such need of snuffing, extend any beame to our Times wherewith wee might hope to be better lighted, then by those Luminaries that God hath set up to shine to us far neerer hand. And what Reformation he wrought for his owne time it will not be amisse to consider, hee appointed certaine times for Fasts, and Feasts, built stately Churches, gave large Immunities to the Clergie, great Riches and Promotions to Bishops, gave and minister'd occasion to bring in a Deluge of Ceremonies, thereby either to draw in the Heathen by a resemblance of their rites, or to set a glosse upon the simplicity, and plainnesse of Christianity which to the gorgeous solemnities of Paganisme, and the sense of the Worlds Children seem'd but a homely and Yeomanly Religion, for the beauty of inward Sanctity was not within their prospect.

So that in this manner the Prelates both then and ever since comming from a meane, and Plebeyan Life on a sudden to be Lords of stately Palaces, rich furniture, delicious fare, and Princely attendance, thought the plaine and homespun verity of Christs Gospell unfit any longer to hold their Lordships acquaintance, unlesse the poore thred-bare Matron were put into better clothes; her chast and modest vaile surrounded with celestiall beames they overlai'd with wanton tresses, and in a flaring tire bespecckl'd her with all the gaudy allurements of a Whore.

Thus flourish't the Church with Constantines wealth, and thereafter were the effects that follow'd; his Son Constantius prov'd a flat Arian, and his Nephew Iulian an Apostate, and there his Race ended; the Church that before by insensible degrees welk't and impair'd, now with large steps went downe hill decaying; at this time Antichrist began first to put forth his horne, and that saying was common that former times had woodden Chalices and golden Preists; but they golden Chalices and woodden Preists. Formerly (saith Sulpitius) Martyrdome by glorious death was sought more greedily, then now Bishopricks by vile Ambition are hunted after (speaking of these Times) and in another place; they gape after possessions, they tend Lands and Livings, they coure over their gold, they buy and sell: and if there be any that neither possesse nor traffique, that which is worse, they sit still, and expect guifts, and prostitute every induement of grace, every holy thing to sale. And in the end of his History thus he concludes, all things went to wrack by the faction, wilfulnesse, and avarice of the Bishops, and by this means Gods people, & every good man was had in scorn and derision; which S. Martin found truly to be said by his friend Sulpitius; for being held in admiration of all men, he had onely the Bishops his enemies, found God lesse favorable to him after he was Bishop then before, & for his last 16. yeares would come at no Bishops meeting. Thus you see Sir what Constantines doings in the Church brought forth, either in his own or in his Sons Reigne.

Now lest it should bee thought that somthing else might ayle this Author thus to hamper the Bishops of those dayes; I will bring you the opinion of three the famousest men for wit and learning, that Italy at this day glories of, whereby it may be concluded for a receiv'd opinion even among men professing the Romish Faith, that Constantine marr'd all in the Church. Dante in his 19. Canto of Inferno hath thus, as I will render it you in English blank Verse.

Ah Constantine, of how much ill was cause
Not thy Conversion, but those rich demaines
That the first wealthy Pope receiv'd of thee.

So in his 20. Canto of Paradise hee makes the like complaint, and Petrarch seconds him in the same mind in his 108. Sonnet which is wip't out by the Inquisitor in some Editions; speaking of the Roman Antichrist as meerely bred up by Constantine.

Founded in chast and humble Povertie,
'Gainst them that rais'd thee dost thou lift thy horn,
Impudent whoore, where hast thou plac'd thy hope?
In thy Adulterers, or thy ill got wealth?
Another Constantine comes not in hast.

Ariosto of Ferrara after both these in time, but equall in fame, following the scope of his Poem in a difficult knot how to restore Orlando his chiefe Hero to his lost senses, brings Astolfo the English Knight up into the moone, where S. John, as he feignes, met him. Cant. 34.

And to be short, at last his guid him brings
Into a goodly valley, where he sees
A mighty masse of things strangely confus'd,
Things that on earth were lost, or were abus'd.

And amongst these so abused things listen what hee met withall, under the Conduct of the Evangelist.

Then past hee to a flowry Mountaine greene,
Which once smelt sweet, now stinks as odiously;
This was that gift (if you the truth will have)
That Constantine to good Sylvestro gave.

And this was a truth well knowne in England before this Poet was borne, as our Chaucers Plowman shall tell you by and by upon another occasion. By all these circumstances laid together, I do not see how it can be disputed what good this Emperour Constantine wrought to the Church, but rather whether ever any, though perhaps not wittingly, set open a dore to more mischiefe in Christendome. There is just cause therefore that when the Prelates cry out Let the Church be reform'd according to Constantine, it should sound to a judicious eare no otherwise, then if they should say Make us rich, make us lofty, make us lawlesse, for if any under him were not so, thanks to those ancient remains of integrity, which were not yet quite worne out, and not to his Government.

Thus finally it appears that those purer Times were no such as they are cry'd up, and not to be follow'd without suspicion, doubt and danger. The last point wherein the Antiquary is to bee dealt with at his owne weapon, is to make it manifest, that the ancientest, and best of the Fathers have disclaim'd all sufficiency in themselves that men should rely on, and sent all commers to the Scriptures, as all sufficient; that this is true, will not be unduly gather'd by shewing what esteeme they had of Antiquity themselves, and what validity they thought in it to prove Doctrine, or Discipline. I must of necessitie begin from the second ranke of Fathers, because till then Antiquitie could have no Plea. Cyprian in his 63. Epistle. If any, saith he, of our Auncestors either ignorantly or out of simplicity hath not observ'd that which the Lord taught us by his example (speaking of the Lords Supper) his simplicity God may pardon of his mercy, but wee cannot be excus'd for following him, being instructed by the Lord. And have not we the same instructions, and will not this holy man with all the whole Consistorie of Saints and Martyrs that liv'd of old rise up and stop our mouthes in judgement, when wee shall goe about to Father our Errors, and opinions upon their Authority? in the 73. Epist. hee adds, in vaine doe they oppose custome to us if they be overcome by reason; as if custome were greater then Truth, or that in spirituall things that were not to be follow'd, which is revel'd for the better by the holy Ghost. In the 74. neither ought Custome to hinder that Truth should not prevaile, for Custome without Truth is but agednesse of Error.

Next Lactantius, he that was prefer'd to have the bringing up of Constantines children in his second Booke of Institutions, Chap. 7. & 8. disputes against the vaine trust in Antiquity, as being the cheifest Argument of the Heathen against the Christians, they doe not consider, saith he, what Religion is, but they are confident it is true, because the Ancients deliver'd it, they count it a trespasse to examine it. And in the eighth, not because they went before us in time, therefore in wisedome, which being given alike to all Ages, cannot be prepossest by the Ancients; wherefore seeing that to seeke the Truth is inbred to all, they bereave themselves of wisedome the gift of God who without judgement follow the Ancients, and are led by others like bruit beasts. St. Austin writes to Fortunatian that he counts it lawfull in the bookes of whomsoever to reject that which hee finds otherwise then true, and so hee would have others deale by him. He neither accounted, as it seems, those Fathers that went before, nor himselfe, nor others of his rank, for men of more then ordinary spirit, that might equally deceive, and be deceiv'd. and oftimes, setting our servile humors aside, yea God so ordering, we may find Truth with one man, as soon as in a Counsell, as Cyprian agrees 71. Epist. Many things, saith he, are better reveal'd to single persons. At Nicæa in the first, and best reputed Counsell of all the world, there had gon out a Canon to divorce married Priests, had not one old man Paphnutius stood up, and reason'd against it.

Now remains it to shew clearly that the Fathers referre all decision of controversie to the Scriptures, as all-sufficient to direct, to resolve, and to determine. Ignatius taking his last leave of the Asian Churches, as he went to martyrdome exhorted them to adhere close to the written doctrine of the Apostles, necessarily written for posterity: so farre was he from unwritten traditions, as may be read in the 36. c. of Eusebius 3. b. In the 74. Epist. Of Cyprian against Stefan Bish. of Rome imposing upon him a tradition, whence, quoth he, is this tradition? is it fetcht from the authority of Christ in the Gospel, or of the Apostles in their Epistles: for God testifies that those things are to be done which are written: and then thus; what obstinacie, what presumption is this to preferre humane Tradition before divine ordinance? And in the same Epist. If we shall return to the head, and beginning of divine tradition (which we all know he means the Bible) humane error ceases, and the reason of heavenly misteries unfolded, whatsoever was obscure, becomes cleare. And in the 14. Distinct. of the same Epist. directly against our modern fantasies of a still visible Church, he teaches; that succession of truth may fail, to renew which we must have recourse to the fountaines, using this excellent similitude, if a Channel, or Conduit pipe which brought in water plentifully before, suddenly fail, doe we not goe to the fountaine to know the cause, whether the Spring affords no more, or whether the vein be stopt, or turn'd aside in the midcourse: thus ought we to doe, keeping Gods precepts, that if in ought the truth shall be chang'd, we may repaire to the Gospel, and to the Apostles, that thence may arise the reason of our doings, from whence our order, and beginning arose. In the 75. he inveighs bitterly against Pope Stefanus, for that he could boast his Succession from Peter, and yet foist in Traditions that were not Apostolicall. And in his Book of the unity of the Church he compares those that neglecting Gods Word, follow the doctrines of men, to Coreh, Dathan, and Abiram. The very first page of Athanasius against the Gentiles, averres the Scriptures to be sufficient of themselves for the declaration of Truth; and that if his friend Macarius read other Religious writers, it was but φιλοκ´αλως come un virtuoso, (as the Italians say,) as a lover of elegance: and in his 2d Tome the 39. pag, after he hath rekon'd up the Canonicall Books, In these only, saith he, is the doctrine of godlinesse taught, let no man adde to these, or take from these; and in his Synopsis having again set down all the Writers of the old & new Testament, these, saith he, be the anchors, and props of our Faith: besides these, millions of other Books have bin written by great and wise men according to rule, and agreement with these, of which I will not now speak, as being of infinite number, and meer dependance on the canonical Books. Basil in his 2d Tome writing of true Faith, tells his auditors he is bound to teach them that which he hath learn't out of the Bible: and in the same Treatise, he saith, That seeing the Commandments of the Lord, are faithfull and sure for ever; it is a plain falling from the Faith, and a high pride either to make void any thing therin, or to introduce any thing not there to be found: and he gives the reason, for Christ saith, My Sheep heare my voyce, they will not follow another, but fly from him, because they know not his voyce. But not to be endlesse in quotations, it may chance to be objected, that there be many opinions in the Fathers which have no ground in Scripture; so much the lesse, may I say, should we follow them, for their own words shall condemn them, and acquit us, that lean not on them; otherwise these their words shall acquit them, and condemn us. But it will be reply'd, the Scriptures are difficult to be understood, and therfore require the explanation of the Fathers, 'tis true there be some Books, and especially some places in those Books that remain clouded; yet ever that which is most necessary to be known is most easie; and that which is most difficult, so farre expounds it selfe ever, as to tell us how little it imports our saving knowledge. Hence to inferre a generall obscurity over all the text, is a meer suggestion of the Devil to disswade men from reading it, and casts an aspersion of dishonour both upon the mercy, truth, and wisdome of God: We count it no gentlenesse, or fair dealing in a man of Power amongst us, to require strict, and punctual obedience, and yet give out all his commands ambiguous and obscure, we should think he had a plot upon us, certainly such commands were no commands, but snares. The very essence of Truth is plainnesse, and brightnes; the darknes and crookednesse is our own. The wisdome of God created understanding, fit and proportionable to Truth the object, and end of it, as the eye to the thing visible. If our understanding have a film of ignorance over it, or be blear with gazing on other false glisterings, what is that to Truth? If we will but purge with sovrain eyesalve that intellectual ray which God hath planted in us, then we would beleeve the Scriptures protesting their own plainnes, and perspicuity, calling to them to be instructed, not only the wise, and learned, but the simple, the poor, the babes, foretelling an extraordinary effusion of Gods Spirit upon every age, and sexe, attributing to all men, and requiring from them the ability of searching, trying, examining all things, and by the Spirit discerning that which is good; and as the Scriptures themselvs pronounce their own plainnes, so doe the Fathers testifie of them.

I will not run into a paroxysm of citations again in this point, only instance Athanasius in his fore-mention'd first page; the knowledge of Truth, saith he, wants no humane lore, as being evident in it selfe, and by the preaching of Christ now opens brighter then the Sun. If these Doctors who had scarse half the light that we enjoy, who all except 2 or 3 were ignorant of the Hebrew tongue, and many of the Greek, blundring upon the dangerous, and suspectfull translations of the Apostat Aquila, the Heretical Theodotion, the Judaïz'd Symmachus; the erroneous Origen; if these could yet find the Bible so easie, why should we doubt, that have all the helps of Learning, and faithfull industry that man in this life can look for, and the assistance of God as neer now to us as ever. But let the Scriptures be hard; are they more hard, more crabbed, more abstruse then the Fathers? He that cannot understand the sober, plain, and unaffected stile of the Scriptures, will be ten times more puzzl'd with the knotty Africanisms, the pamper'd metafors; the intricat, and involv'd sentences of the Fathers; besides the fantastick, and declamatory flashes; the crosse-jingling periods which cannot but disturb, and come thwart a setl'd devotion worse then the din of bells, and rattles.

Now Sir, for the love of holy Reformation, what can be said more against these importunat clients of Antiquity, then she her selfe their patronesse hath said. Whether think ye would she approve still to dote upon immeasurable, innumerable, and therfore unnecessary, and unmercifull volumes, choosing rather to erre with the specious name of the Fathers, or to take a sound Truth at the hand of a plain upright man that all his dayes hath bin diligently reading the holy Scriptures, and therto imploring Gods grace, while the admirers of Antiquity have bin beating their brains about their Ambones, their Diptychs, and Meniaia's? Now, he that cannot tell of Stations, and Indictions; nor has wasted his pretious howrs in the endles conferring of Councels and Conclaves that demolish one another, although I know many of those that pretend to be great Rabbies in these studies have scarce saluted them from the strings, and the titlepage, or to give 'em more, have bin but the Ferrets and Moushunts of an Index: yet what Pastor, or Minister how learned, religious, or discreet soever does not now bring both his cheeks full blown with Oecumenical, and Synodical, shall be counted a lank, shallow, unsufficient man, yea a dunce, and not worthy to speak about Reformation of Church Discipline. But I trust they for whom God hath reserv'd the honour of Reforming this Church will easily perceive their adversaries drift in thus calling for Antiquity, they feare the plain field of the Scriptures; the chase is too hot; they seek the dark, the bushie, the tangled Forrest, they would imbosk: they feel themselvs strook in the transparent streams of divine Truth, they would plunge, and tumble, and thinke to ly hid in the foul weeds, and muddy waters, where no plummet can reach the bottome. But let them beat themselvs like Whales, and spend their oyl till they be dradg'd ashoar: though wherfore should the Ministers give them so much line for shifts, and delays? Wherfore should they not urge only the Gospel, and hold it ever in their faces like a mirror of Diamond, till it dazle, and pierce their misty ey balls? maintaining it the honour of its absolute sufficiency, and supremacy inviolable: For if the Scripture be for Reformation, and Antiquity to boot, 'tis but an advantage to the dozen, 'tis no winning cast: and though Antiquity be against it, while the Scriptures be for it, the Cause is as good as ought to be wisht, Antiquity it selfe sitting Judge.

But to draw to an end; the second sort of those, that may be justly number'd among the hinderers of Reformation, are Libertines, these suggest that the Discipline sought would be intolerable: for one Bishop now in a Dioces we should then have a Pope in every Parish. It will not be requisit to Answer these men, but only to discover them, for reason they have none, but lust, and licentiousnes, and therfore answer can have none. It is not any Discipline that they could live under, it is the corruption, and remisnes of Discipline that they seek. Episcopacy duly executed, yea the Turkish, and Jewish rigor against whoring, and drinking; the dear, and tender Discipline of a Father; the sociable, and loving reproof of a Brother; the bosome admonition of a Friend is a Presbytery, and a Consistory to them. 'Tis only the merry Frier in Chaucer can disple them.

Full sweetly heard he confession
And pleasant was his absolution,
He was an easie man to give pennance.

Sir,

IT is a work good, and prudent to be able to guide one man; of larger extended vertue to order wel one house; but to govern a Nation piously, and justly, which only is to say happily, is for a spirit of the greatest size, and divinest mettle. And certainly of no lesse a mind, nor of lesse excellence in another way, were they who by writing layd the solid, and true foundations of this Science, which being of greatest importance to the life of man, yet there is no art that hath bin more canker'd in her principles, more soyl'd, and slubber'd with aphorisming pedantry then the art of policie; and that most, where a man would thinke should least be, in Christian Common-wealths. They teach not that to govern well is to train up a Nation in true wisdom and vertue, and that which springs from thence magnanimity, (take heed of that) and that which is our beginning, regeneration, and happiest end, likenes to God, which in one word we call godlines, & that this is the true florishing of a Land, other things follow as the shadow does the substance: to teach thus were meer pulpitry to them. This is the masterpiece of a modern politician, how to qualifie, and mould the sufferance and subjection of the people to the length of that foot that is to tread on their necks, how rapine may serve it selfe with the fair, and honourable pretences of publick good, how the puny Law may be brought under the wardship, and controul of lust, and will; in which attempt if they fall short, then must a superficial colour of reputation by all means direct or indirect be gotten to wash over the unsightly bruse of honor. To make men governable in this manner their precepts mainly tend to break a nationall spirit, and courage by count'nancing open riot, luxury, and ignorance, till having thus disfigur'd and made men beneath men, as Juno in the Fable of Iö, they deliver up the poor transformed heifer of the Commonwealth to be stung and vext with the breese, and goad of oppression under the custody of some Argus with a hundred eyes of jealousie. To be plainer Sir, how to soder, how to stop a leak, how to keep up the floting carcas of a crazie, and diseased Monarchy, or State betwixt wind, and water, swimming still upon her own dead lees, that now is the deepe designe of a politician. Alas Sir! a Common-welth ought to be but as one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth, and stature of an honest man, as big, and compact in vertue as in body; for looke what the grounds, and causes are of single happines to one man, the same yee shall find them to a whole state, as Aristotle both in his ethicks, and politiks, from the principles of reason layes down by consequence therfore, that which is good, and agreeable to monarchy, will appeare soonest to be so, by being good, and agreeable to the true wel-fare of every Christian, and that which can be justly prov'd hurtfull, and offensive to every true Christian, wilbe evinc't to be alike hurtful to monarchy: for God forbid, that we should separate and distinguish the end, and good of a monarch, from the end and good of the monarchy, or of that, from Christianity. How then this third, and last sort that hinder reformation, will justify that it stands not with reason of state, I much muse? For certain I am the Bible is shut against them, as certaine that neither Plato, nor Aristotle is for their turnes, What they can bring us now from the Schools of Loyola with his Jesuites, or their Malvezzi that can cut Tacitus into slivers and steaks, we shall presently hear. They alledge 1. That the Church government must be conformable to the civill politie, next, that no forme of Church government is agreeable to monarchy, but that of Bishops. Must Church government that is appointed in the Gospel, and has chief respect to the soul, be conformable, and pliant to civil, that is arbitrary, and chiefly conversant about the visible and external part of man? this is the very maxim that moulded the Calvs of Bethel and of Dan, this was the quintessence of Jeroboams policy, he made Religion conform to his politick interests, & this was the sin that watcht over the Israelites till their final captivity. If this State principle come from the Prelates, as they affect to be counted statists, let them look back to Elutherius Bishop of Rome, and see what he thought of the policy of England; being requir'd by Lucius the first Christian King of this Iland to give his counsel for the founding of Religious Laws, little thought he of this sage caution, but bids him betake himselfe to the old, and new Testament, and receive direction from them how to administer both Church, and Common-wealth; that he was Gods Vicar, and therfore to rule by Gods Laws, that the Edicts of Cæsar we may at all times disallow, but the Statutes of God for no reason we may reject. Now certaine if Church-goverment be taught in the Gospel, as the Bishops dare not deny, we may well conclude of what late standing this Position is, newly calculated for the altitude of Bishop elevation, and lettice for their lips. But by what example can they shew that the form of Church Discipline must be minted, and modell'd out to secular pretences? The ancient Republick of the Jews is evident to have run through all the changes of civil estate, if we survey the Story from the giving of the Law to the Herods, yet did one manner of Priestly government serve without inconvenience to all these temporal mutations: it serv'd the mild Aristocracy of elective Dukes, and heads of Tribes joyn'd with them; the dictatorship of the Judges, the easie, or hard-handed Monarchy's, the domestick, or forrain tyrannies, Lastly the Roman Senat from without, the Jewish Senat at home with the Galilean Tetrarch, yet the Levites had some right to deal in civil affairs: but seeing the Evangelical precept forbids Churchmen to intermeddle with worldly imployments, what interweavings, or interworkings can knit the Minister, and the Magistrate in their several functions to the regard of any precise correspondency? Seeing that the Churchmans office is only to teach men the Christian Faith, to exhort all, to incourage the good, to admonish the bad, privately the lesse offender, publickly the scandalous and stubborn; to censure, and separate from the communion of Christs flock, the contagious, and incorrigible, to receive with joy, and fatherly compassion the penitent, all this must be don, and more then this is beyond any Church autority. What is all this either here, or there to the temporal regiment of Wealpublick, whether it be Popular, Princely, or Monarchical? Where doth it intrench upon the temporal governor, where does it come in his walk? where does it make inrode upon his jurisdiction? Indeed if the Ministers part be rightly discharg'd, it renders him the people more conscionable, quiet, and easie to be govern'd, if otherwise his life and doctrine will declare him. If therfore the Constitution of the Church be already set down by divine prescript, as all sides confesse, then can she not be a handmaid to wait on civil commodities, and respects and if the nature and limits of Church Discipline be such, as are either helpfull to all political estates indifferently, or have no particular relation to any, then is there no necessity, nor indeed possibility of linking the one with the other in a speciall conformation.

Now for their second conclusion, That no form of Church government is agreeable to Monarchy, but that of Bishops, although it fall to pieces of it selfe by that which hath been sayd; yet to give them play front, and reare, it shall be my task to prove that Episcopacy with that Autority which it challenges in England is not only not agreeable, but tending to the destruction of Monarchy. While the Primitive Pastors of the Church of God labour'd faithfully in their Ministery, tending only their Sheep, and not seeking, but avoiding all worldly matters as clogs, and indeed derogations, and debasements to their high calling, little needed the Princes, and potentates of the earth, which way soever the Gospel was spread, to study ways how to make a coherence between the Churches politic, and theirs: therfore when Pilate heard once our Saviour Christ professing that his Kingdome was not of this world, he thought the man could not stand much in Cæsars light, nor much indammage the Roman Empire: for if the life of Christ be hid to this world, much more is his Scepter unoperative, but in spirituall things. And thus liv'd, for 2 or 3 ages, the Successors of the Apostles. But when through Constantines lavish Superstition they forsook their first love, and set themselvs up two Gods instead, Mammon and their Belly, then taking advantage of the spiritual power which they had on mens consciences, they began to cast a longing eye to get the body also, and bodily things into their command, upon which their carnal desires, the Spirit dayly quenching and dying in them, they knew no way to keep themselves up from falling to nothing, but by bolstering, and supporting their inward rottenes by a carnal, and outward strength. For a while they rather privily sought opportunity, then hastily disclos'd their project, but when Constantine was dead, and 3 or 4 Emperors more, their drift became notorious, and offensive to the whole world: for while Theodosius the younger reign'd, thus writes Socrates the Historian in his 7th Book, 11. chap. now began an ill name to stick upon the Bishops of Rome, and Alexandria, who beyond their Priestly bounds now long agoe had stept into principality and this was scarse 80. years since their raising from the meanest worldly condition. Of courtesie now let any man tell me, if they draw to themselves a temporall strength and power out of Cæsars Dominion, is not Cæsars Empire thereby diminisht? but this was a stolne bit, hitherto hee was but a Caterpiller secretly gnawing at Monarchy, the next time you shall see him a Woolfe, a Lyon, lifting his paw against his raiser, as Petrarch exprest it, and finally an open enemy, and subverter of the Greeke Empire. Philippicus and Leo, with divers other Emperours after them, not without the advice of their Patriarchs, and at length of a whole Easterne Counsell of 3. hundred thirty eight Bishops, threw the Images out of Churches as being decreed idolatrous.

Upon this goodly occasion the Bishop of Rome not only seizes the City, and all the Territory about into his owne hands, and makes himselfe Lord thereof, which till then was govern'd by a Greeke Magistrate, but absolves all Italy of their Tribute, and obedience due to the Emperour, because hee obey'd Gods Commandement in abolishing Idolatry.

Mark Sir here how the Pope came by S. Peters Patrymony, as he feigns it, not the donation of Constantine, but idolatry and rebellion got it him. Yee need but read Sigonius one of his owne Sect to know the Story at large. And now to shroud himselfe against a storme from the Greek Continent, and provide a Champion to beare him out in these practises, hee takes upon him by Papall sentence to unthrone Chilpericus the rightfull K. of France, and gives the Kingdome to Pepin for no other cause but that hee seem'd to him the more active man. If he were a freind herein to Monarchy I know not, but to the Monarch I need not aske what he was.

Having thus made Pepin his fast freind, he cals him into Italy against Aistulphus the Lombard, that warr'd upon him for his late Usurpation of Rome as belonging to Ravenna which he had newly won. Pepin, not unobedient to the Popes call, passing into Italy, frees him out of danger, and wins for him the whole exarchat of Ravenna, which though it had beene almost immediately before, the hereditary possession of that Monarchy which was his cheife Patron, and Benefactor, yet he takes, and keepes it to himselfe as lawfull prize, and given to St. Peter. What a dangerous fallacie is this, when a spirituall man may snatch to himselfe any temporall Dignity, or Dominion under pretence of receiving it for the Churches use; thus he claimes Naples, Sicily, England, and what not? To bee short, under shew of his zeale against the errors of the Greeke Church, hee never ceast baiting, and goring the Successors of his best Lord Constantine what by his barking curses, and Excommunications, what by his hindering the Westerne Princes from ayding them against the Sarazens, and Turkes, unlesse when they humour'd him; so that it may be truly affirm'd, he was the subversion, and fall of that Monarchy, which was the hoisting of him; this, besides Petrarch, whom I have cited, our Chaucer also hath observ'd, and gives from hence a caution to England to beware of her Bishops in time, for that their ends, and aymes are no more freindly to Monarchy then the Popes.

Thus hee brings in the Plow-man speaking, 2. Part. Stanz. 28.

The Emperour Yafe the Pope sometime
So high Lordship him about
That at last the silly Kime,
The proud Pope put him out,
So of this Realme is no doubt,
But Lords beware, and them defend,
For now these folks be wonders stout
The King and Lords now this amend

And in the next Stanza which begins the third part of the tale he argues that they ought not to bee Lords.

Moses Law forbode it tho
That Preists should no Lordships welde
Christs Gospell biddeth also,
That they should no Lordships held
Ne Christs Apostles were never so bold
No such Lordships to hem embrace
But smeren her Sheep, and keep her Fold.

And so forward. Whether the Bishops of England have deserv'd thus to bee fear'd by men so wise as our Chaucer is esteem'd, and how agreeable to our Monarchy, and Monarchs their demeanour ha's been, he that is but meanly read in our Chronicles needs not be instructed. Have they not been as the Canaanites, and Philistims to this Kingdom? what Treasons, what revolts to the Pope, what Rebellions, and those the basest, and most pretenselesse have they not been chiefe in? What could Monarchy think when Becket durst challenge the custody of Rotchester Castle, and the Tower of London, as appertaining to his Signory? To omit his other insolencies and affronts to Regall Majestie, till the Lashes inflicted on the anointed body of the King washt off the holy Unction with his blood drawn by the polluted hands of Bishops, Abbots, and Monks.

What good upholders of Royalty were the Bishops, when by their rebellious opposition against King John, Normandy was lost, he himselfe depos'd, and this Kingdom made over to the Pope? When the Bishop of Winchester durst tell the Nobles, the Pillars of the Realme, that there were no Peeres in England, as in France, but that the King might doe what hee pleas'd. What could Tyranny say more? it would bee petty now if I should insist upon the rendring up of Tournay by Woolseyes Treason, the Excommunications, Cursings, and Interdicts upon the whole Land. For haply I shall be cut off short by a reply, that these were the faults of the men, and their Popish errors, not of Episcopacie, that hath now renounc't the Pope, and is a Protestant. Yes sure; as wise and famous men have suspected, and fear'd the Protestant Episcopacie in England, as those that have fear'd the Papall.

You know Sir what was the judgement of Padre Paolo the great Venetian Antagonist of the Pope, for it is extant in the hands of many men, whereby he declares his feare, that when the Hierarchy of England shall light into the hands of busie and audacious men, or shall meet with Princes tractable to the Prelacy, then much mischiefe is like to ensue. And can it bee neerer hand, then when Bishops shall openly affirme that, No Bishop, no King? a trimme Paradox, and that yee may know where they have beene a begging for it, I will fetch you the Twin-brother to it out of the Jesuites Cell; they feeling the Axe of Gods reformation hewing at the old and hollow trunk of Papacie, and finding the Spaniard their surest friend, and safest refuge, to sooth him up in his dreame of a fift Monarchy, and withall to uphold the decrepit Papalty have invented this super-politick Aphorisme, as one termes it, One Pope, and one King.

Surely there is not any Prince in Christendome, who hearing this rare Sophistry can choose but smile, and if we be not blind at home we may as well perceive that this worthy Motto, No Bishop, no King is of the same batch, and infanted out of the same feares, a meere ague-cake coagulated of a certaine Fever they have, presaging their time to be but short: and now like those that are sinking, they catch round at that which is likeliest to hold them up. And would perswade Regall Power, that if they dive, he must after. But what greater debasement can there be to Royall Dignity, whose towring, and stedfast heighth rests upon the unmovable foundations of Justice, and Heroick vertue, then to chaine it in a dependance of subsisting, or ruining to the painted Battlements, and gaudy rottennesse of Prelatrie, which want but one puffe of the Kings to blow them down like a past bord House built of Court-Cards. Sir the little adoe, which me thinks I find in untacking these pleasant Sophismes, puts mee into the mood to tell you a tale ere I proceed further; and Menenius Agrippa speed us.

Upon a time the Body summon'd all the Members to meet in the Guild for the common good (as Aesops Chronicles averre many stranger Accidents) the head by right takes the first seat, and next to it a huge and monstrous Wen little lesse then the Head it selfe, growing to it by a narrower excrescency. The members amaz'd began to aske one another what hee was that took place next their chief; none could resolve. Whereat the Wen, though unweildy, with much adoe gets up and bespeaks the Assembly to this purpose. That as in place he was second to the head, so by due of merit; that he was to it an ornament, and strength, and of speciall neere relation, and that if the head should faile, none were fitter then himselfe to step into his place; therefore hee thought it for the honour of the Body, that such dignities and rich indowments should be decreed him, as did adorne, and set out the noblest Members. To this was answer'd, that it should bee consulted. Then was a wise and learned Philosopher sent for, that knew all the Charters, Lawes, and Tenures of the Body. On him it is impos'd by all, as chiefe Committee to examine, and discusse the claime and Petition of right put in by the Wen; who soone perceiving the matter, and wondring at the boldnesse of such a swolne Tumor, Wilt thou (quoth he) that art but a bottle of vitious and harden'd excrements, contend with the lawfull and free-borne members, whose certaine number is set by ancient, and unrepealable Statute? head thou art none, though thou receive this huge substance from it, what office bearst thou? What good canst thou shew by thee done to the Common-weale? the Wen not easily dash't replies, that his Office was his glory, for so oft as the soule would retire out of the head from over the steaming vapours of the lower parts to Divine Contemplation, with him shee found the purest, and quietest retreat, as being most remote from soile, and disturbance. Lourdan, quoth the Philosopher, thy folly is as great as thy filth; know that all the faculties of the Soule are confin'd of old to their severall vessels, and ventricles, from which they cannot part without dissolution of the whole Body; and that thou containst no good thing in thee, but a heape of hard, and loathsome uncleannes, and art to the head a foul disfigurment and burden, when I have cut thee off, and open'd thee, as by the help of these implements I will doe, all men shall see.

But to return, whence was digress't, seeing that the throne of a King, as the wise K. Salomon often remembers us, is establisht in Justice, which is the universall Justice that Aristotle so much praises, containing in it all other vertues, it may assure us that the fall of Prelacy, whose actions are so farre distant from Justice, cannot shake the least fringe that borders the royal canopy: but that their standing doth continually oppose, and lay battery to regal safety, shall by that which follows easily appear. Amongst many secondary, and accessory causes that support Monarchy, these are not of least reckning, though common to all other States: the love of the Subjects, the multitude, and valor of the people, and store of treasure. In all these things hath the Kingdome bin of late sore weak'nd, and chiefly by the Prelates. First let any man consider, that if any Prince shall suffer under him a commission of autority to be exerciz'd, till all the Land grone, and cry out, as against a whippe of Scorpions, whether this be not likely to lessen, and keel the affections of the Subject. Next what numbers of faithfull, and freeborn Englishmen, and good Christians have bin constrain'd to forsake their dearest home, their friends, and kindred, whom nothing but the wide Ocean, and the savage deserts of America could hide and shelter from the fury of the Bishops. O Sir, if we could but see the shape of our deare Mother England, as Poets are wont to give a personal form to what they please, how would she appeare, think ye, but in a mourning weed, with ashes upon her head, and teares abundantly flowing from her eyes, to behold so many of her children expos'd at once, and thrust from things of dearest necessity, because their conscience could not assent to things which the Bishops thought indifferent. What more binding then Conscience? what more free then indifferency? cruel then must that indifferency needs be, that shall violate the strict necessity of Conscience, merciles, and inhumane that free choyse, and liberty that shall break asunder the bonds of Religion. Let the Astrologer be dismay'd at the portentous blaze of comets, and impressions in the aire as foretelling troubles and changes to states: I shall beleeve there cannot be a more ill-boding signe to a Nation (God turne the Omen from us) then when the Inhabitants, to avoid insufferable grievances at home, are inforc'd by heaps to forsake their native Country. Now wheras the only remedy, and amends against the depopulation, and thinnesse of a Land within, is the borrow'd strength of firme alliance from without, these Priestly policies of theirs having thus exhausted our domestick forces, have gone the way also to leave us as naked of our firmest, & faithfullest neighbours abroad, by disparaging, and alienating from us all Protestant Princes, and Common-wealths, who are not ignorant that our Prelats, and as many as they can infect, account them no better then a sort of sacrilegious, and puritanical Rebels, preferring the Spaniard our deadly enemy before them, and set all orthodox writers at nought in comparison of the Jesuits, who are indeed the onely corrupters of youth, and good learning; and I have heard many wise, and learned men in Italy say as much. It cannot be that the strongest knot of confederacy should not dayly slak'n, when Religion which is the chiefe ingagement of our league shall be turn'd to their reproach. Hence it is that the prosperous, and prudent states of the united Provinces, whom we ought to love, if not for themselves, yet for our own good work in them, they having bin in a manner planted, and erected by us, and having bin since to us the faithfull watchmen, and discoverers of many a Popish, and Austrian complotted Treason, and with us the partners of many a bloody, and victorious battell, whom the similitude of manners and language, the commodity of traffick, which founded the old Burgundian league betwixt us, but chiefly Religion should bind to us immortally, even such friends as these, out of some principles instill'd into us by the Prelates, have bin often dismist with distastfull answers, and somtimes unfriendly actions: nor is it to be consider'd to the breach of confederate Nations whose mutual interest is of such high consequence, though their Merchants bicker in the East Indies, neither is it safe, or warie, or indeed Christianly, that the French King, of a different Faith, should afford our neerest Allyes as good protection as we. Sir, I perswade my selfe, if our zeale to true Religion, and the brotherly usage of our truest friends were as notorious to the world, as our Prelatical Schism, and captivity to Rotchet Apothegmes, we had ere this seene our old Conquerours, and afterward Liege-men the Normans, together with the Brittains our proper Colony, and all the Gascoins that are the rightfull Dowry of our ancient Kings, come with cap, and knee, desiring the shadow of the English Scepter to defend them from the hot persecutions and taxes of the French. But when they come hither, and see a Tympany of Spanioliz'd Bishops swaggering in the fore-top of the State, and meddling to turne, and dandle the Royall Ball with unskilfull and Pedantick palmes, no marvell though they think it as unsafe to commit Religion, and liberty to their arbitrating as to a Synagogue of Iesuites.

But what doe I stand reck'ning upon advantages, and gaines lost by the mis-rule, and turbulency of the Prelats, what doe I pick up so thriftily their scatterings and diminishings of the meaner Subject, whilst they by their seditious practises have indanger'd to loose the King one third of his main Stock; what have they not done to banish him from his owne Native Countrey? but to speake of this as it ought would ask a Volume by it selfe.

Thus as they have unpeopl'd the Kingdome by expulsion of so many thousands, as they have endeavor'd to lay the skirts of it bare by disheartning and dishonouring our loyallest Confederates abroad, so have they hamstrung the valour of the Subject by seeking to effeminate us all at home. Well knows every wise Nation that their Liberty consists in manly and honest labours, in sobriety and rigorous honour to the Marriage Bed, which in both Sexes should be bred up from chast hopes to loyall Enjoyments; and when the people slacken, and fall to loosenes, and riot, then doe they as much as if they laid downe their necks for some wily Tyrant to get up and ride. Thus learnt Cyrus to tame the Lydians, whom by Armes he could not, whilst they kept themselves from Luxury; with one easy Proclamation to set up Stews, dancing, feasting, & dicing he made them soone his slaves. I know not what drift the Prelats had, whose Brokers they were to prepare, and supple us either for a Foreigne Invasion or Domestick oppression; but this I am sure they took the ready way to despoile us both of manhood and grace at once, and that in the shamefullest and ungodliest manner upon that day which Gods Law, and even our own reason hath consecrated, that we might have one day at least of seven set apart wherein to examin and encrease our knowledge of God, to meditate, and commune of our Faith, our Hope, our eternall City in Heaven, and to quick'n, withall, the study, and exercise of Charity; at such a time that men should bee pluck't from their soberest and saddest thoughts, and by Bishops the pretended Fathers of the Church instigated by publique Edict, and with earnest indeavour push't forward to gaming, jigging, wassailing, and mixt dancing is a horror to think. Thus did the Reprobate hireling Preist Balaam seeke to subdue the Israelites to Moab, if not by force, then by this divellish Pollicy, to draw them from the Sanctuary of God to the luxurious, and ribald feasts of Baal-peor. Thus have they trespas't not onely against the Monarchy of England, but of Heaven also, as others, I doubt not, can prosecute against them.

I proceed within my own bounds to shew you next what good Agents they are about the Revennues and Riches of the Kingdome, which declares of what moment they are to Monarchy, or what availe. Two Leeches they have that still suck, and suck the Kingdome, their Ceremonies, and their Courts. If any man will contend that Ceremonies bee lawfull under the Gospell, hee may bee answer'd otherwhere. This doubtlesse that they ought to bee many and over-costly, no true Protestant will affirme. Now I appeale to all wise men, what an excessive wast of Treasury hath beene within these few yeares in this Land not in the expedient, but in the Idolatrous erection of Temples beautified exquisitely to out-vie the Papists, the costly and deare-bought Scandals, and snares of Images, Pictures, rich Coaps, gorgeous Altar-clothes: and by the courses they tooke, and the opinions they held, it was not likely any stay would be, or any end of their madnes, where a pious pretext is so ready at hand to cover their insatiate desires. What can we suppose this will come to? What other materials then these have built up the spirituall BABEL to the heighth of her Abominations? Beleeve it Sir right truly it may be said, that Antichrist is Mammons Son. The soure levin of humane Traditions mixt in one putrifi'd Masse with the poisonous dregs of hypocrisie in the hearts of Prelates that lye basking in the Sunny warmth of Wealth, and Promotion, is the Serpents Egge that will hatch an Antichrist wheresoever, and ingender the same Monster as big, or little as the Lump is which breeds him. If the splendor of Gold and Silver begin to Lord it once againe in the Church of England, wee shall see Antichrist shortly wallow heere, though his cheife Kennell be at Rome. If they had one thought upon Gods glory and the advancement of Christian Faith, they would be a meanes that with these expences thus profusely throwne away in trash, rather Churches and Schools might be built, where they cry out for want, and more added where too few are; a moderate maintenance distributed to every painfull Minister, that now scarse sustaines his Family with Bread, while the Prelats revell like Belshazzar with their full carouses in Goblets, and vessels of gold snatcht from Gods Temple. Which (I hope) the Worthy Men of our Land will consider. Now then for their COVRTS. What a Masse of Money is drawne from the Veines into the Ulcers of the Kingdome this way; their Extortions, their open Corruptions, the multitude of hungry and ravenous Harpies that swarme about their Offices declare sufficiently. And what though all this go not oversea? 'twere better it did: better a penurious Kingdom, then where excessive wealth flowes into the gracelesse and injurious hands of common sponges to the impoverishing of good and loyall men, and that by such execrable, such irreligious courses.

If the sacred and dreadfull works of holy Discipline, Censure, Pennance, Excommunication, and Absolution, where no prophane thing ought to have accesse, nothing to be assistant but sage and Christianly Admonition, brotherly Love, flaming Charity, and Zeale; and then according to the Effects, Paternall Sorrow, or Paternall Joy, milde Severity, melting Compassion, if such Divine Ministeries as these, wherin the Angel of the Church represents the Person of Christ Jesus, must lie prostitute to sordid Fees, and not passe to and fro betweene our Saviour that of free grace redeem'd us, and the submissive Penitent, without the truccage of perishing Coine, and the Butcherly execution of Tormentors, Rooks, and Rakeshames sold to lucre, then have the Babilonish Marchants of Soules just excuse. Hitherto Sir you have heard how the Prelates have weaken'd and withdrawne the externall Accomplishments of Kingly prosperity, the love of the People, their multitude, their valour, their wealth; mining, and sapping the out-works, and redoubts of Monarchy; now heare how they strike at the very heart, and vitals.

We know that Monarchy is made up of two parts, the Liberty of the subject, and the supremacie of the King. I begin at the root. See what gentle, and benigne Fathers they have beene to our liberty. Their trade being, by the same Alchymy that the Pope uses, to extract heaps of gold, and silver out of the drossie Bullion of the Peoples sinnes, and justly fearing that the quick-sighted Protestants eye clear'd in great part from the mist of Superstition, may at one time or other looke with a good judgement into these their deceitfull Pedleries, to gaine as many associats of guiltines as they can, and to infect the temporall Magistrate with the like lawlesse though not sacrilegious extortion, see a while what they doe; they ingage themselves to preach, and perswade an assertion for truth the most false, and to this Monarchy the most pernicious and destructive that could bee chosen. What more banefull to Monarchy then a Popular Commotion, for the dissolution of Monarchy slides aptest into a Democracy; and what stirs the Englishmen, as our wisest writers have observ'd, sooner to rebellion, then violent, and heavy hands upon their goods and purses? Yet these devout Prelates, spight of our great Charter, and the soules of our Progenitors that wrested their liberties out of the Norman gripe with their dearest blood and highest prowesse, for these many years have not ceas't in their Pulpits wrinching, and spraining the text, to set at nought and trample under foot all the most sacred, and life blood Lawes, Statutes, and Acts of Parliament that are the holy Cov'nant of Union, and Marriage betweene the King and his Realme, by proscribing, and confiscating from us all the right we have to our owne bodies, goods and liberties. What is this, but to blow a trumpet, and proclaime a fire-crosse to a hereditary, and perpetuall civill warre. Thus much against the Subjects Liberty hath been assaulted by them. Now how they have spar'd Supremacie, or likely are here-after to submit to it, remaines lastly to bee consider'd.

The emulation that under the old Law was in the King toward the Preist, is now so come about in the Gospell, that all the danger is to be fear'd from the Preist to the King. Whilst the Preists Office in the Law was set out with an exteriour lustre of Pomp and glory, Kings were ambitious to be Preists; now Priests not perceiving the heavenly brightnesse, and inward splendor of their more glorious Evangelick Ministery with as great ambition affect to be Kings; as in all their courses is easie to be observ'd. Their eyes ever imminent upon worldly matters, their desires ever thirsting after worldly employments, in stead of diligent and fervent studie in the Bible, they covet to be expert in Canons, and Decretals, which may inable them to judge, and interpose in temporall Causes, however pretended Ecclesiasticall. Doe they not hord up Pelfe, seeke to bee potent in secular Strength, in State Affaires, in Lands, Lordships, and Demeanes, to sway and carry all before them in high Courts, and Privie Counsels, to bring into their grasp, the high, and principall Offices of the Kingdom? have they not been bold of late to check the Common Law, to slight and brave the indiminishable Majestie of our highest Court the Law-giving and Sacred Parliament? Doe they not plainly labour to exempt Churchmen from the Magistrate? Yea, so presumptuously as to question, and menace Officers that represent the Kings Person for using their Authority against drunken Preists? The cause of protecting murderous Clergie-men was the first heartburning that swel'd up the audacious Becket to the pestilent, and odious vexation of Henry the second. Nay more, have not some of their devoted Schollers begun, I need not say to nibble, but openly to argue against the Kings Supremacie? is not the Cheife of them accus'd out of his owne Booke, and his late Canons to affect a certaine unquestionable Patriarchat, independent and unsubordinate to the Crowne? From whence having first brought us to a servile Estate of Religion, and Manhood, and having predispos'd his conditions with the Pope, that layes claime to this Land, or some Pepin of his owne creating, it were all as likely for him to aspire to the Monarchy among us, as that the Pope could finde meanes so on the sudden both to bereave the Emperour of the Roman Territory with the favour of Italy, and by an unexpected friend out of France, while he was in danger to lose his new-got Purchase, beyond hope to leap in to the faire Exarchat of Ravenna.

A good while the Pope suttl'y acted the Lamb, writing to the Emperour, my Lord Tiberius, my Lord Mauritius, but no sooner did this his Lord pluck at the Images, and Idols, but hee threw off his Sheepes clothing, and started up a Wolfe, laying his pawes upon the Emperours right, as forfeited to Peter. Why may not wee as well, having been forewarn'd at home by our renowned Chaucer, and from abroad by the great and learned Padre Paolo, from the like beginnings, as we see they are, feare the like events? Certainly a wise, and provident King ought to suspect a Hierarchy in his Realme, being ever attended, as it is, with two such greedy Purveyers, Ambition and Usurpation, I say hee ought to suspect a Hierarchy to bee as dangerous and derogatory from his Crown as a Tetrarchy or a Heptarchy. Yet now that the Prelates had almost attain'd to what their insolent, and unbridl'd minds had hurried them; to thrust the Laity under the despoticall rule of the Monarch, that they themselves might confine the Monarch to a kind of Pupillage under their Hierarchy, observe but how their own Principles combat one another, and supplant each one his fellow.

Having fitted us only for peace, and that a servile peace, by lessening our numbers, dreining our estates, enfeebling our bodies, cowing our free spirits by those wayes as you have heard, their impotent actions cannot sustaine themselves the least moment, unlesse they rouze us up to a Warre fit for Cain to be the Leader of; an abhorred, a cursed, a Fraternall Warre. ENGLAND and SCOTLAND dearest Brothers both in Nature, and in CHRIST must be set to wade in one anothers blood; and IRELAND our free Denizon upon the back of us both, as occasion should serve: a piece of Service that the Pope and all his Factors have beene compassing to doe ever since the Reformation.

But ever-blessed be he, and ever glorifi'd that from his high watch-Tower in the Heav'ns discerning the crooked wayes of perverse, and cruell men, hath hitherto maim'd, and infatuated all their damnable inventions, and deluded their great Wizzards with a delusion fit for fooles and children: had GOD beene so minded hee could have sent a Spirit of Mutiny amongst us, as hee did betweene Abimilech and the Sechemites, to have made our Funerals and slaine heaps more in number then the miserable surviving remnant, but he, when wee least deserv'd, sent out a gentle gale, and message of peace from the wings of those his Cherubins, that fanne his Mercy-seat. Nor shall the wisdome, the moderation, the Christian Pietie, the Constancy of our Nobility and Commons of England be ever forgotten, whose calme, and temperat connivence could sit still, and smile out the stormy bluster of men more audacious, and precipitant, then of solid and deep reach, till their own fury had run it selfe out of breath, assailing, by rash and heady approches, the impregnable situation of our Liberty and safety, that laught such weake enginry to scorne, such poore drifts to make a Nationall Warre of a Surplice Brabble, a Tippet-scuffle, and ingage the unattainted Honour of English Knighthood, to unfurle the streaming Red Crosse, or to reare the horrid Standard of those fatall guly Dragons for so unworthy a purpose, as to force upon their Fellow-Subjects, that which themselves are weary of, the Skeleton of a Masse-Booke. Nor must the Patience, the Fortitude, the firme Obedience of the Nobles and People of Scotland striving against manifold Provocations, nor must their sincere and moderate proceedings hitherto, be unremember'd, to the shamefull Conviction of all their Detractors.

Goe on both hand in hand O NATIONS never to be dis-united, be the Praise and the Heroick Song of all POSTERITY; merit this, but seeke onely Vertue, not to extend your Limits; for what needs? to win a fading triumphant Lawrell out of the teares of wretched Men, but to settle the pure worship of God in his Church, and justice in the State. then shall the hardest difficulties smooth out themselves before ye; envie shall sink to hell, craft and malice be confounded, whether it be homebred mischeif, or outlandish cunning: yea other nations will then covet to serve ye, for Lordship and victory are but the pages of justice and vertue. Commit securely to true wisdome the vanquishing and uncasing of craft and suttletie, which are but her two runnagates: joyn your invincible might to doe worthy, and Godlike deeds, and then he that seeks to break your union, a cleaving curse be his inheritance to all generations.

Sir, you have now at length this question for the time, and as my memory would best serve me in such a copious, and vast theme, fully handl'd, and you your selfe may judge whether Prelacy be the only Church-government agreeable to MONARCHY. Seeing therfore the perillous, and confused estate into which we are faln, and that to the certain knowledge of all men through the irreligious pride and hatefull Tyranny of Prelats (as the innumerable, and grievous complaints of every shire cry out) if we will now resolve to settle affairs either according to pure Religion, or sound Policy, we must first of all begin roundly to cashier, and cut away from the publick body the noysom, and diseased tumor of Prelacie, and come from Schisme to unity with our neighbour Reformed sister Churches, which with the blessing of peace and pure doctrine have now long time flourish'd; and doubtles with all hearty joy, and gratulation, will meet, and welcome our Christian union with them, as they have bin all this while griev'd at our strangenes and little better then separation from them. And for the Discipline propounded, seeing that it hath bin inevitably prov'd that the natural, and fundamental causes of political happines in all governments are the same, and that this Church Discipline is taught in the Word of God, and, as we see, agrees according to wish with all such states as have receiv'd it, we may infallibly assure our selvs that it will as wel agree with Monarchy, though all the Tribe of Aphorismers, and Politicasters would perswade us there be secret, and misterious reasons against it. For upon the setling hereof mark what nourishing and cordial restorements to the State will follow, the Ministers of the Gospel attending only to the work of salvation every one within his limited charge, besides the diffusive blessings of God upon all our actions, the King shall sit without an old disturber, a dayly incroacher, and intruder; shall ridde his Kingdome of a strong sequester'd, and collateral power; a confronting miter, whose potent wealth, and wakefull ambition he had just cause to hold in jealousie: not to repeat the other present evills which only their removal will remove. And because things simply pure are inconsistent in the masse of nature, nor are the elements or humors in Mans Body exactly homogeneall, and hence the best founded Common-wealths, and least barbarous have aym'd at a certaine mixture and temperament, partaking the severall vertues of each other State, that each part drawing to it selfe may keep up a steddy, and eev'n uprightnesse in common.

There is no Civill Goverment that hath beene known, no not the Spartan, not the Roman, though both for this respect so much prais'd by the wise Polybius, more divinely and harmoniously tun'd, more equally ballanc'd as it were by the hand and scale of Justice, then is the Common-wealth of England: where under a free, and untutor'd Monarch, the noblest, worthiest, and most prudent men, with full approbation, and suffrage of the People have in their power the supreame, and finall determination of highest Affaires. Now if Conformity of Church Discipline to the Civill be so desir'd, there can be nothing more parallel, more uniform, then when under the Soveraigne Prince Christs Vicegerent using the Scepter of David, according to Gods Law, the godliest, the wisest, the learnedest Ministers in their severall charges have the instructing and disciplining of Gods people by whose full and free Election they are consecrated to that holy and equall Aristocracy. And why should not the Piety, and Conscience of Englishmen as members of the Church be trusted in the Election of Pastors to Functions that nothing concerne a Monarch, as well as their worldly wisedomes are priviledg'd as members of the State in suffraging their Knights, and Burgesses to matters that concern him neerely? And if in weighing these severall Offices, their difference in time and qualitie be cast in, I know they will not turn the beame of equall Judgement the moity of a scruple. Wee therfore having already a kind of Apostolicall, and ancient Church Election in our State, what a perversnesse would it be in us of all others to retain forcibly a kind of imperious, and stately Election in our Church? And what a blindnesse to thinke that what is already Evangelicall as it were by a happy chance in our Politie, should be repugnant to that which is the same by divine command in the Ministery? Thus then wee see that our Ecclesiall, and Politicall choyses may consent and sort as well together without any rupture in the STATE, as Christians, and Freeholders. But as for honour, that ought indeed to be different, and distinct as either Office looks a severall way, the Minister whose Calling and end is spirituall, ought to be honour'd as a Father and Physitian to the Soule (if he be found to be so) with a Son-like and Disciple-like reverence, which is indeed the dearest, and most affectionate honour, most to be desir'd by a wise man, and such as will easily command a free and plentifull provision of outward necessaries, without his furder care of this world.

The Magistrate whose Charge is to see to our Persons, and Estates, is to bee honour'd with a more elaborate and personall Courtship, with large Salaries and Stipends, that hee himselfe may abound in those things whereof his legall justice and watchfull care gives us the quiet enjoyment. And this distinction of Honour will bring forth a seemly and gracefull Uniformity over all the Kingdome.

Then shall the Nobles possesse all the Dignities and Offices of temporall honour to themselves, sole Lords without the improper mixture of Scholastick, and pusillanimous upstarts, the Parliament shall void her Upper House of the same annoyances, the Common, and Civill Lawes shall be both set free, the former from the controule, the other from the meere vassalage and Copy-hold of the Clergie.

And wheras temporall Lawes rather punish men when they have transgress't, then form them to be such as should transgresse seldomest, wee may conceive great hopes through the showres of Divine Benediction, watering the unmolested and watchfull paines of the Ministery, that the whole Inheritance of God will grow up so straight and blamelesse, that the Civill Magistrate may with farre lesse toyle and difficulty, and far more ease and delight steare the tall and goodly Vessell of the Common-wealth through all the gusts and tides of the Worlds mutability.

Here I might have ended, but that some Objections, which I have heard commonly flying about, presse mee to the endevour of an answere. We must not run they say into sudden extreams. This is a fallacious Rule, unlesse understood only of the actions of Vertue about things indifferent, for if it be found that those two extreames be Vice and Vertue, Falshood and Truth, the greater extremity of Vertue and superlative Truth we run into, the more vertuous, and the more wise, wee become; and hee that flying from degenerate and traditionall corruption, feares to shoot himselfe too far into the meeting imbraces of a Divinely-warranted Reformation, had better not have run at all. And for the suddennesse it cannot be fear'd. Who should oppose it? The Papists? They dare not. The Protestants otherwise affected. They were mad. There is nothing will be remoov'd but what to them is profess'dly indifferent. The long affection which the People have borne to it, what for it selfe, what for the odiousnes of Prelates, is evident: from the first yeare of Qu. Elizabeth, it hath still beene more and more propounded, desir'd, and beseech't, yea sometimes favourably forwarded by the Parliaments themselves. Yet if it were sudden & swift, provided still it be from worse to better, certainly wee ought to hie us from evill like a torrent, and rid our selves of corrupt Discipline, as wee would shake fire out of our bosomes.

Speedy and vehement were the Reformations of all the good Kings of Juda, though the people had beene nuzzl'd in Idolatry never so long before; they fear'd not the bug-bear danger, nor the Lyon in the way that the sluggish and timorous Politician thinks he sees; no more did our Brethren of the Reformed Churches abroad; they ventur'd (God being their guide) out of rigid POPERY, into that which wee in mockery call precise Puritanisme, and yet wee see no inconvenience befell them.

Let us not dally with God when he offers us a full blessing, to take as much of it as wee think will serve our ends, and turne him back the rest upon his hands, lest in his anger he snatch all from us again. Next they alledge the antiquity of Episcopacy through all Ages. What it was in the Apostles time, that questionlesse it must be still and therein I trust the Ministers will be able to satisfie the Parliament. But if Episcopacie be taken for Prelacie, all the Ages they can deduce it through, will make it no more venerable then Papacie.

Most certaine it is (as all our Stories beare witnesse) that ever since their comming to the See of Canterbury for neere twelve hundred yeares, to speake of them in generall, they have beene in England to our Soules a sad and dolefull succession of illiterate and blind guides: to our purses, and goods a wastfull band of robbers, a perpetuall havock, and rapine: To our state a continuall Hydra of mischiefe, and molestation, the forge of discord and Rebellion: This is the Trophey of their Antiquity, and boasted Succession through so many Ages. And for those Prelat-Martyrs they glory of, they are to bee judg'd what they were by the Gospel, and not the Gospel to be tried by them.

And it is to be noted that if they were for Bishopricks and Ceremonies, it was in their prosperitie, and fulnes of bread, but in their persecution, which purifi'd them, and neer their death, which was their garland, they plainely dislik'd and condemn'd the Ceremonies, and threw away those Episcopall ornaments wherein they were instal'd, as foolish and detestable, for so the words of Ridley at his degradment, and his letter to Hooper expressly shew. Neither doth the Author of our Church History spare to record sadly the fall (for so he termes it) and infirmities of these Martyrs, though we would deify them. And why should their Martyrdom more countnance corrupt doctrine, or discipline, then their subscriptions justify their Treason to the Royall blood of this Relm; by diverting and intaling the right of the Crown from the true heires, to the houses of Northumberland and Suffolk, which had it tooke effect, this present King had in all likelyhood never sat on this Throne, and the happy union of this Iland had bin frustrated.

Lastly, whereas they adde that some the learnedest of the reformed abroad admire our Episcopacy, it had bin more for the strength of the Argument to tell us that som of the wisest Statesmen admire it, for thereby we might guesse them weary of the present discipline, as offensive to their State, which is the bugge we feare; but being they are Church-men, we may rather suspect them for some Prelatizing-spirits that admire our Bishopricks, not Episcopacy. The next objection vanishes of it selfe, propounding a doubt, whether a greater inconvenience would not grow from the corruption of any other discipline, then from that of Episcopacy. This seemes an unseasonable foresight, and out of order to deferre, and put off the most needfull constitution of one right discipline, while we stand ballancing the discommodity's of two corrupt ones. First constitute that which is right, and of it selfe it will discover, and rectify that which swervs, and easily remedy the pretended feare of having a Pope in every Parish, unlesse we call the zealous, and meek censure of the Church, a Popedom, which who so does let him advise how he can reject the Pastorly Rod, and Sheep-hooke of CHRIST, and those cords of love, and not feare to fall under the iron Scepter of his anger that will dash him to peeces like a Potsherd.

At another doubt of theirs I wonder; whether this discipline which we desire, be such as can be put in practise within this Kingdom, they say it can not stand with the common Law, nor with the Kings safety; the government of Episcopacy, is now so weav'd into the common Law: In Gods name let it weave out againe; let not humain quillets keep back divine authority. Tis not the common Law, nor the civil, but piety, and justice, that are our foundresses; they stoop not, neither change colour for Aristocracy, democraty, or Monarchy, nor yet at all interrupt their just courses, but farre above the taking notice of these inferior niceties with perfect sympathy, where ever they meet, kisse each other. Lastly, they are fearfull that the discipline which will succeed cannot stand with the Ks. safety. Wherefore? it is but Episcopacy reduc't to what it should be, were it not that the Tyranny of Prelates under the name of Bishops hath made our eares tender, and startling, we might call every good Minister a Bishop, as every Bishop, yea the Apostles themselves are call'd Ministers, and the Angels ministring Spirits, and the Ministers againe Angels. But wherein is this propounded government so shrewd? Because the government of assemblies will succeed. Did not the Apostles govern the Church by assemblies, how should it else be Catholik, how should it have Communion? Wee count it Sacrilege to take from the rich Prelates their Lands, and revenu's which is Sacrilege in them to keep, using them as they doe, and can we think it safe to defraude the living Church of GOD of that right which GOD has given her in assemblies! O but the consequence: Assemblies draw to them the Supremacy of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction. No surely, they draw no Supremacy, but that authority which CHRIST, and Saint Paul in his name conferrs upon them. The K. may still retain the same Supremacy in the Assemblies, as in the Parliament, here he do nothing alone against the common Law, and there neither alone, nor with consent against the Scriptures. But is this all? No, this Ecclesiasticall Supremacy draws to it the power to excommunicate Kings; and then followes the worst that can be imagin'd. Doe they hope to avoyd this by keeping Prelates that have so often don it? Not to exemplifie the malapert insolence of our owne Bishops in this kind towards our Kings: I shall turn back to the Primitive, and pure times, which the objecters would have the rule of reformation to us.

Not an assembly, but one Bishop alone, Saint AMBROSE of Millan, held Theodosius the most Christian Emperor under excommunication above eight moneths together, drove him from the Church in the presence of his Nobles, which the good Emperor bore with heroick humility, and never ceas't by prayers, and teares, till he was absolv'd, for which coming to the Bishop with Supplication into the Salutatory, some out Porch of the Church, he was charg'd by him of tyrannicall madnes against GOD, for comming into holy ground. At last upon conditions absolv'd, and after great humiliation approaching to the Altar to offer (as those thrise pure times then thought meet) he had scarse with-drawne his hand, and stood a while, when a bold Arch-deacon comes in the Bishops name, and chaces him from within the railes telling him peremptorily that the place wherein he stood, was for none but the Priests to enter, or to touch: and this is another peece of pure Primitive Divinity. Thinke yee then our Bishops will forgoe the power of excommunication on whomsoever? No certainly, unlesse to compasse sinister ends, and then revoke when they see their time. And yet this most mild, though withall dredfull, and inviolable Prerogative of Christs diadem excommunication servs for nothing with them, but to prog, and pandar for fees, or to display their pride and sharpen their revenge, debarring men the protection of the Law, and I remember not whether in some cases it bereave not men all right to their worldly goods, and Inheritances besides the deniall of Christian buriall. But in the Evangelical, and reformed use of this sacred censure, no such prostitution, no such Iscariotical drifts are to be doubted, as that Spirituall doom, and sentence, should invade worldly possession, which is the rightfull lot and portion, even of the wickedest men, as frankly bestow'd upon them by the al-dispensing bounty, as rain, and Sun-shine. No, no, it seekes not to bereave or destroy the body, it seekes to save the Soule by humbling the body, not by Imprisonment, or pecuniary mulct, much lesse by stripes or bonds, or disinheritance, but by Fatherly admonishment, and Christian rebuke, to cast it into godly sorrow, whose end is joy, and ingenuous bashfulnesse to sin: if that can not be wrought, then as a tender Mother takes her Child and holds it over the pit with scarring words, that it may learne to feare, where danger is, so doth excommunication as deerly, and as freely without money, use her wholsome and saving terrors, she is instant, she beseeches, by all the deere, and sweet promises of SALVATION she entices and woos, by all the threatnings, and thunders of the Law, and rejected Gosspel she charges, and adjures; this is all her Armory, her munition, her Artillery, then she awaites with long-sufferance, and yet ardent zeale. In briefe, there is no act in all the errand of Gods Ministers to man-kind, wherein passes more loverlike contestation betweene CHRIST and the Soule of a regenerate man lapsing, then before, and in, and after the sentence of Excommunication. As for the fogging proctorage of money, with such an eye as strooke Gehezi with Leprosy, and Simon Magus with a curse, so does she looke, and so threaten her firy whip against that banking den of theeves that dare thus baffle, and buy and sell the awfull, and majestick wrincles of her brow. He that is rightly and apostolically sped with her invisible arrow, if he can be at peace in his Soule, and not smel within him the brimstone of Hell, may have faire leave to tell all his baggs over undiminish't of the least farding, may eat his dainties, drinke his wine, use his delights, enjoy his Lands, and liberties, not the least skin rais'd, not the least haire misplac't for all that excommunication has done: much more may a King injoy his rights, and Prerogatives undeflour'd, untouch'd, and be as absolute, and compleat a King, as all his royalties and revenu's can make him. And therefore little did Theodosius fear a plot upon his Empire when he stood excommunicat by Saint Ambrose, though it were done either with much hauty pride, or ignorant zeale. But let us rather look upon the reformed Churches beyond the seas, the Grizons the Suisses, the Hollanders, the French, that have a Supremacy to live under as well as we, where do the Churches in all these places strive for Supremacy, where do they clash and justle Supremacies with the Civil Magistrate? In France a more severe Monarchy then ours, the Protestants under this Church government carry the name of the best Subjects the King has; and yet Presbytery, if it must be so call'd, does there all that it desires to doe: how easie were it, if there be such great suspicion, to give no more scope to it in England. But let us not for feare of a scarre-crow, or else through hatred to be reform'd stand hankering and politizing, when GOD with spread hands testifies to us, and points us out the way to our peace.

Let us not be so overcredulous, unlesse GOD hath blinded us, as to trust our deer Soules into the hands of men that beg so devoutly for the pride, and gluttony of their owne backs, and bellies, that sue and sollicite so eagerly, not for the saving of Soules, the consideration of which can have heer no place at all, but for their Bishopricks, Deaneries, Prebends, and Chanonies; how can these men not be corrupt, whose very cause is the bribe of their own pleading; whose mouths cannot open without the strong breath, and loud stench of avarice, Simony, and Sacrilege, embezzling the treasury of the Church on painted, and guilded walles of Temples wherein GOD hath testified to have no delight, warming their Palace Kitchins, and from thence their unctuous, and epicurean paunches, with the almes of the blind, the lame, the impotent, the aged, the orfan, the widow, for with these the treasury of CHRIST ought to be, here must be his jewels bestow'd, his rich Cabinet must be emptied heer; as the constant martyr Saint Laurence taught the Roman Prætor. Sir would you know what the remonstrance of these men would have, what their Petition imply's? They intreate us that we would not be weary of those insupportable greevances that our shoulders have hitherto crackt under, they beseech us that we would think 'em fit to be our Justices of peace, our Lords, our highest officers of State, though they come furnish't with no more experience then they learnt betweene the Cook, and the manciple, or more profoundly at the Colledge audit, or the regent house, or to come to their deepest insight, at their Patrons Table; they would request us to indure still the russling of their Silken Cassocks, and that we would burst our midriffes rather then laugh to see them under Sayl in all their Lawn, and Sarcenet their shrouds, and tackle, with a geometricall rhomboides upon their heads: they would bear us in hand that we must of duty still appear before them once a year in Jerusalem like good circumcizd males, and Females to be taxt by the poul, to be scons't our head money, our tuppences in their Chaunlerly Shop book of Easter. They pray us that it would please us to let them still hale us, and worrey us with their band-dogs, and Pursivants; and that it would please the Parliament that they may yet have the whipping, fleecing, and fleaing of us in their diabolical Courts to tear the flesh from our bones, and into our wide wounds instead of balm, to power in the oil of Tartar, vitriol, and mercury; Surely a right reasonable, innocent, and soft-hearted Petition. O the relenting bowels of the Fathers. Can this bee granted them unlesse GOD have smitten us with frensie from above, and with a dazling giddinesse at noon day? Should not those men rather be heard that come to plead against their owne preferments, their worldly advantages, their owne abundance; for honour, and obedience to Gods word, the conversion of Soules, the Christian peace of the Land, and union of the reformed Catholick Church, the unappropriating, and unmonopolizing the rewards of learning and industry, from the greasie clutch of ignorance, and high feeding. We have tri'd already, & miserably felt what ambition worldly glory & immoderat wealth can do, what the boistrous & contradictional hand of a temporall, earthly, and corporeall Spiritualty can availe to the edifying of Christs holy Church; were it such a desperate hazard to put to the venture the universall Votes of Christs Congregation, the fellowly and friendly yoke of a teaching and laborious Ministery, the Pastorlike and Apostolick imitation of meeke and unlordly Discipline, the gentle and benevolent mediocritie of Church-maintenance, without the ignoble Hucsterage of pidling Tithes? Were it such an incurable mischiefe to make a little triall, what all this would doe to the flourishing and growing up of Christs mysticall body? As rather to use every poore shift, and if that serve not, to threaten uproare and combustion, and shake the brand of Civill Discord?

O Sir, I doe now feele my selfe inwrapt on the sodaine into those mazes and Labyrinths of dreadfull and hideous thoughts, that which way to get out, or which way to end I know not, unlesse I turne mine eyes, and with your help lift up my hands to that Eternall and Propitious Throne, where nothing is readier then grace and refuge to the distresses of mortall Suppliants: and it were a shame to leave these serious thoughts lesse piously then the Heathen were wont to conclude their graver discourses.

Thou therefore that sits't in light & glory unapprochable, Parent of Angels and Men! next thee I implore Omnipotent King, Redeemer of that lost remnant whose nature thou didst assume, ineffable and everlasting Love! And thou the third subsistence of Divine Infinitude, illumining Spirit, the joy and solace of created Things! one Tri-personall GODHEAD! looke upon this thy poore and almost spent, and expiring Church, leave her not thus a prey to these importunate Wolves, that wait and thinke long till they devoure thy tender Flock, these wilde Boares that have broke into thy Vineyard, and left the print of thir polluting hoofs on the Soules of thy Servants. O let them not bring about their damned designes that stand now at the entrance of the bottomlesse pit expecting the Watch-word to open and let out those dreadfull Locusts and Scorpions, to re-involve us in that pitchy Cloud of infernall darknes, where we shall never more see the Sunne of thy Truth againe, never hope for the cheerfull dawne, never more heare the Bird of Morning sing. Be mov'd with pitty at the afflicted state of this our shaken Monarchy, that now lies labouring under her throwes, and struggling against the grudges of more dreaded Calamities.

O thou that after the impetuous rage of five bloody Inundations, and the succeeding Sword of intestine Warre, soaking the Land in her owne gore, didst pitty the sad and ceasles revolution of our swift and thick-comming sorrowes when wee were quite breathlesse, of thy free grace didst motion Peace, and termes of Cov'nant with us, & having first welnigh freed us from Antichristian thraldome, didst build up this Britannick Empire to a glorious and enviable heighth with all her Daughter Ilands about her, stay us in this felicitie, let not the obstinacy of our halfe Obedience and will-Worship bring forth that Viper of Sedition, that for these Fourescore Yeares hath been breeding to eat through the entrals of our Peace; but let her cast her Abortive Spawne without the danger of this travailling & throbbing Kingdome. That we may still remember in our solemne Thanksgivings, how for us the Northren Ocean even to the frozen Thule was scatter'd with the proud Ship-wracks of the Spanish Armado, and the very maw of Hell ransack't, and made to give up her conceal'd destruction, ere shee could vent it in that horrible and damned blast.

O how much more glorious will those former Deliverances appeare, when we shall know them not onely to have sav'd us from greatest miseries past, but to have reserv'd us for greatest happinesse to come. Hitherto thou hast but freed us, and that not fully, from the unjust and Tyrannous Claime of thy Foes, now unite us intirely, and appropriate us to thy selfe, tie us everlastingly in willing Homage to the Prerogative of thy eternall Throne.

And now wee knowe, O thou our most certain hope and defence, that thine enemies have been consulting all the Sorceries of the great Whore, and have joyn'd their Plots with that sad Intelligencing Tyrant that mischiefes the World with his Mines of Ophir, and lies thirsting to revenge his Navall ruines that have larded our Seas; but let them all take Counsell together, and let it come to nought, let them Decree, and doe thou Cancell it, let them gather themselves, and bee scatter'd, let them embattell themselves and bee broken, let them imbattell, and be broken, for thou art with us.

Then amidst the Hymns, and Halleluiahs of Saints some one may perhaps bee heard offering at high strains in new and lofty Measures to sing and celebrate thy divine Mercies, and marvelous Judgements in this Land throughout all AGES; whereby this great and Warlike Nation instructed and inur'd to the fervent and continuall practice of Truth and Righteousnesse, and casting farre from her the rags of her old vices may presse on hard to that high and happy emulation to be found the soberest, wisest, and most Christian People at that day when thou the Eternall and shortly-expected King shalt open the Clouds to judge the severall Kingdomes of the World, and distributing Nationall Honours and Rewards to Religious and just Common-wealths, shalt put an end to all Earthly Tyrannies, proclaiming thy universal and milde Monarchy through Heaven and Earth. Where they undoubtedly that by their Labours, Counsels, and Prayers have been earnest for the Common good of Religion and their Countrey, shall receive, above the inferiour Orders of the Blessed, the Regall addition of Principalities, Legions, and Thrones into their glorious Titles, and in supereminence of beatifick Vision progressing the datelesse and irrevoluble Circle of Eternity shall clasp inseparable Hands with joy, and blisse in over-measure for ever.

But they contrary that by the impairing and diminution of the true Faith, the distresses and servitude of their Countrey aspire to high Dignity, Rule and Promotion here, after a shamefull end in this Life (which God grant them) shall be thrown downe eternally in to the darkest and deepest Gulfe of HELL, where under the despightfull controule, the trample and spurne of all the other Damned, that in the anguish of their Torture shall have no other case then to exercise a Raving and Bestiall Tyranny over them as their Slaves and Negro's, they shall remaine in that plight for ever, the basest, the lowermost, the most dejected, most underfoot and downe-trodden Vassals of Perdition.

The End.